Leaderboard

Hello again gang, You may have seen my announcement on discord yesterday, if not - here it is again. Again, I'd like to thank everyone from the general community who've stuck around and supported us over the years and to the staff and development team who've been working tirelessly to get this show on the road. We're all extremely excited for the general community to have server access, and see the new and the improved features available. I'd like to note that we've crammed as much of the work our development team have been doing in before our public launch, but we've also got features currently in the pipe-lines to be tested and added to the server. We'll have a lot of exciting announcements and updates coming throughout the next few weeks and months. I'd like to remind everyone that while launch day can be exciting, that the server rules will still apply. The staff team have received alot of feedback about quality of roleplay throughout the server, the prevalence of death-matching and unrealistic behaviours etc. We will be taking a firm stance on rule-breaking and the standard of roleplay across the server, so please try to work with us and be on your best behaviour once you gain access. We want to make this experience fun for everyone, but that requires some cooperation from the community too. Many of you have been wondering what's new, and what's changed - we've been busy compiling and publishing the feature documentation, which you'll find here: Feature Documentation. This collection will be growing throughout the day to allow you to get familiar with the many of the features available before getting in-game this evening! I also wanted to thank everyone for the incredible amount of interest in illegal factions. Our list of unofficial factions seems to be growing by the day, with some extremely tenured roleplayers making a reappearance. As some of you may be aware, Official Factions were given the opportunity to directly transfer their Official status to RAGE. I'd like to also announce the official factions which have joined us. A massive shout out to E/S Playboys 13 (formerly 38th Street), Valenti Crime Family and Hell Runners Motorcycle Club. We've also selected several factions as Verified, which may be a new concept to those who've only experienced SAMP, if you'd like to find out more about faction advancement, please follow this link - S/O to Delegation of Tribe Rukn, Los Renegados Motorcyle Club and The Mexican Mafia. We're so excited to see the roleplay that comes out of these factions, and all of the unofficial factions who've joined us pre-launch. Finally, we will be limiting access to staff/developers only from 2PM GMT/3PM server-time to allow for the final updates, restarts and general cramming that needs to be done before opening the doors at 6PM GMT/7PM server-time.

The Black Line: The Prison side of things. Today incarcerated African American inmates constitute approximately 38.4% of the total federal prison population. The Bolingbroke Penitentiary maintains a similar percentage of incarcerated black inmates in comparison to the total federal population. This allows for the African American side of the Bolingbroke Penitentiary to be strong in numbers, but the problem was its internal factors. Many incarcerated African American inmates often clashed with each other due to being from different street gangs that often had feuds with each other. This allowed for other cars such as the Southside car and the Aryan Brotherhood to have a much stronger foothold in prison due to their highly centralized and militant system in prison. With all this infighting and internal problems within the black side of prison the development of different black cards were they would put the infighting aside and would instead form different sets of cards they would go under in prison to maintain order inside the prison. Today “The Black Line” in prison isn’t as militaristic as it was back then with organizations like The Black Guerilla Family in prison, but instead has a street gang card system where people are put under whichever card their gang politics align in, which each card have one shot caller which dictates to people members in street gangs under their card. This is established in order to maintain unity and stability in the black side of prison. The All Money Network Clique (AFM) The All Money Network clique, or known as the All For Money clique was created in order to act as the second part of the Black Line organization. This clique typically involves themselves in working for the Black Line and making money by methods such as, trafficking drugs through the San Andreas prison system and trafficking drugs outside throughout Los Santos, the trafficking of arms, pimping and various other illegal methods of making money. This clique helps to work to help, supply and do business with the black scene in Los Santos and the higher ranks in the clique look to help fund and supply the main Black Line in prison following the orders that they were given. The All Money clique typically masks these illegal ventures by masking themselves behind various businesses that consist from barbershops to record labels. This is for them to keep stability in their legal aspect of making money in order to launder the illegal money that is made through their illicit methods. Some of these businesses have recently caught backlash for potentially involving themselves in illegal scenes being involved in pump lines for drug trafficking and gun trafficking and even having some of these businesses be linked to uncovered murders of certain individuals in Los Santos. OOC Information This faction will be the portrayal of black prison roleplay in the Bolingbroke Penitentiary under “The Black Line.” While also portraying the organized side of crime between black factions in Los Santos. Recruitment to be part of the organization is done in-character, but you can still join the discord to help kickstart your roleplay within the faction where information will be provided on both sides of the faction.

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nice thread, go far!

Hell yeah. Go far, dont archive.

I've got no doubts in my mind when it comes to a faction under the leadersip of @risen - those who aren't tagged don't need to be tagged but you know you're just as important.

The Valenti crime family, also known as the Los Santos crime family, is an Italian-American organized crime group that has operated primarily in the state of San Andreas, with its historical base of operations in Los Santos. The organization emerged from an East Coast–affiliated Mafia migration in the late 1980s and adopted many of the customs, hierarchy, and operational norms associated with American La Cosa Nostra. For several decades, the Valenti family was regarded by law enforcement as the dominant Mafia syndicate on the West Coast, exercising influence across illicit markets and, at its height, maintaining leverage within certain legitimate industries through corruption, intimidation, and control of contracting and labor pipelines. Its power reached its peak under the leadership of longtime boss Santino “The Butcher” Valenti, before entering a prolonged decline beginning in the early 2010s driven by sustained federal prosecutions under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), waves of informant cooperation, internal leadership collapse, and competition from newer and less structured criminal groups such as the Bellantonio crime family. By the mid-2020s, investigators widely described the Valentis as severely diminished and fragmented, though some analysts continued to argue that remnants of the network persisted, operating through insulated cells rather than a visible centralized hierarchy. Origins and East Coast migration The origins of the Valenti crime family are generally traced to 1987, when a small Genovese-linked crew relocated from New York to Los Santos with the approval of the East Coast hierarchy. The move was reportedly sanctioned as a strategic expansion into a comparatively underdeveloped territory for traditional Mafia rackets, particularly those reliant on cash flow, enforcement capacity, and the ability to penetrate small businesses with limited initial attention from major task forces. Early operations centered on sports betting, loan sharking, and illegal pornography distribution, activities that generated steady revenue while providing avenues for extortion and laundering. The crew’s rapid success encouraged further migration, and by 1992 more mafiosi had shifted operations to Los Santos. The expansion began to create unease within the Genovese orbit, where senior figures reportedly viewed the West Coast outpost as increasingly autonomous, and it also drew the ire of the Petrulli crime family, a long-established Los Santos organization that had dominated the city’s underworld since the 1930s. Tensions escalated throughout 1992 and 1993 as both sides competed for gambling routes, loansharking territories, and protection rackets tied to neighborhood businesses. In October 1993, gunmen opened fire on a grocery store in East Los Santos, killing one individual and injuring another. The survivor was later identified by authorities as Santino Valenti. The shooting ignited a bloody Mafia war that lasted roughly two years and resulted in at least 23 mob-related deaths, according to law enforcement estimates. The war is widely regarded as the event that reintroduced large-scale organized crime violence to San Andreas after a period of relative quiet and established Valenti’s faction as the city’s new dominant Mafia force. The Butcher’s reign (1993–2011) From 1993 to 2011, the family entered its defining era under Santino “The Butcher” Valenti. Under Valenti, the organization expanded aggressively across San Andreas and developed a reputation for both financial sophistication and strategic violence. Investigators attributed to the family a diversified criminal portfolio including racketeering, extortion, construction kickbacks, bid rigging, illegal gambling, loansharking, and large-scale money laundering. The organization’s influence was believed to extend into legitimate sectors through controlled contracting pipelines, bribery of gatekeepers, and the cultivation of intermediaries who insulated senior decision-makers. Valenti’s administration was commonly described as modeled on East Coast tradition in structure, but his relationship with the Genovese crime family deteriorated significantly during his rise and reign. Underworld accounts described the Valentis’ West Coast independence as a continuing point of friction, with Santino Valenti resisting outside direction and viewing East Coast oversight as a threat to his autonomy and earnings. By the late 1990s and early 2000s, Santino Valenti was often described as operating in open defiance of Genovese influence. Mafia traditionalists in New York reportedly viewed Valenti as a boss who had benefited from East Coast legitimacy and then severed practical obligations once he consolidated power. The relationship was further strained by Valenti’s aggressive expansion, his alleged willingness to absorb or neutralize rival crews without Commission-style diplomacy, and his reputation for cultivating an underworld celebrity profile that New York bosses considered unnecessary attention. As a result, while the Valenti family was still regarded as part of the broader Cosa Nostra world, it was frequently treated as an outsider organization that could not be relied upon to follow East Coast norms. Despite efforts to remain discreet, the family’s wealth became increasingly visible. Court records and investigative accounts later described a conspicuous lifestyle associated with Valenti and his inner circle, including luxury properties held through nominees and shell companies, high-end vehicles, and memberships in exclusive clubs. Federal scrutiny intensified throughout the 2000s. Although Valenti was acquitted of a high-profile murder charge in 2008 involving the death of his former friend and reputed underboss Paul Nunziatta, investigators continued building broader racketeering cases. On May 29, 2011, Valenti was convicted of racketeering and conspiracy, marking the end of nearly three decades of dominance and triggering a succession crisis that would define the next decade. Though eligible for parole in 2036, his imprisonment removed the family’s central stabilizing figure, and the organization’s leadership structure began to fracture. Infighting and indictments (2011–2014) The years immediately following Valenti’s conviction were characterized by rapid turnover at the top, internal factionalism, and heightened vulnerability to federal prosecutions. Underworld and law enforcement sources commonly identified Anthony Solari as the first successor to assume day-to-day control after the Butcher’s removal. Solari’s administration was described as an interim attempt to maintain continuity with Valenti-era discipline while the organization adjusted to the loss of its patriarch and assessed legal exposure. His tenure was brief and marked by mounting federal pressure, as investigators intensified surveillance and pursued secondary prosecutions aimed at collapsing the remaining hierarchy. Following Solari, Joey “Buddha” Panzarino, a street boss and former captain associated with the Tony’s Liquor crew, was believed to have assumed control of day-to-day activities as acting boss, only to later face a RICO conviction. Leadership then shifted to Anthony Corsaro, whose administration initially brought a measure of stability and relied heavily on seasoned figures from Valenti’s inner circle, including Gino “Gigi” Giordano, Ray Avena, and Paul “Duke” Carducci. In late 2012, the family’s fragile equilibrium collapsed when Corsaro and Carducci disappeared under suspicious circumstances. Their disappearance created a vacuum and fueled speculation of internal purges and retaliatory violence. Vincent “Bulldog” Malacci, widely described as Valenti’s former driver and bodyguard, assumed control of the family for a short period before he also vanished. As scrutiny mounted, out-of-state branches in Florida, San Diego, and San Fierro attempted to influence succession, complicating leadership legitimacy. Florida-based captain Stephen Cersani was installed as boss, but his reign ended abruptly amid another damaging series of indictments. Informant cooperation proved especially devastating. Lucas Santora and Frank Nappi, both deeply embedded in Valenti operations, testified in major Mafia trials that exposed internal structure and revenue channels, eroding the secrecy culture the organization had inherited from its East Coast lineage. Underworld rumor frequently held that Samuel “Sammy the Beak” Beccarini, Valenti’s longtime consigliere, served as a de facto leader behind the scenes, using rotating figureheads as buffers. Beccarini later faced arrest and imprisonment, further destabilizing the family. The year 2014 marked the end of the immediate post-Butcher succession scramble and the beginning of a more chaotic transitional phase in which would-be reformers attempted to seize power. On January 1, 2014, Nicholas Diopare, a former Valenti captain known as “the Apache,” was murdered in a brazen daylight shooting that media outlets dubbed the “New Year’s Day Massacre.” Diopare had been one of the more visible internal contenders to restore structure after the wave of disappearances, and his killing was widely interpreted as a message that the boss seat remained contested and dangerous. Underworld accounts frequently attributed the killing to rival faction maneuvering, with particular suspicion falling on Oakland-based soldier Anthony Sutera, though no charges were filed and the case remained unresolved. Rise of the Bellantonio family (2014–2018) In the aftermath of Diopare’s murder and continuing fragmentation, the Valenti family’s instability created space for younger criminals less committed to traditional Mafia norms. Michael “The Snake” Sarino and Joseph Bellantonio formed a renegade crew that evolved into the Bellantonio crime family. Traditional mobsters derided the group as “Mickey Mouse gangsters,” emphasizing their perceived recklessness, looser recruitment standards, and street gang–like volatility. Despite this reputation, the Bellantonios grew rapidly and became the most visible organized crime force in East Los Santos by the mid-2010s. Sarino was widely rumored to have previously worked as a driver for Anthony Sutera and was later linked by law enforcement intelligence to multiple killings, including the murders of Sutera and Sarino’s mentor, captain Patrick Durante, earning him the nickname “The Snake.” In 2016, Sarino was shot and killed by his own associates, but the organization’s expansion continued under Joseph Bellantonio. By the late 2010s, the Bellantonio family had eclipsed the Valentis in street-level dominance, forcing the remnants of the Valenti organization into retreat or quiet adaptation. Resurgence attempts and the Valenti–Bellantonio war (2015–2021) Multiple efforts were made to revive the Valenti family between 2015 and 2019. A coordinated resurgence effort emerged in 2015 under Frank Carna, a figure linked to the San Diego-based Lorenzo Valenti crew. Carna sought to broker alliances among rival factions and position himself as a peacemaker in the turbulent Los Santos underworld, reportedly forming a short-lived ruling panel with Robert Luppino and Joseph Bellantonio. The alliance collapsed after Carna died in a car accident while traveling back East, triggering renewed fragmentation. A more credible revival appeared to coincide with the prison releases of Samuel “Sammy the Beak” Beccarini in 2018 and Donald “Ducks” Rigazzi in 2019. In the same period, tensions with the Bellantonio crime family escalated into a sustained turf war that drew national attention and produced numerous killings and disappearances. The conflict was widely portrayed as a clash between a weakened traditional family struggling to reclaim its footing and a newer rival whose culture was defined by volatility and street-level aggression. Bonanno involvement and Commission standing (2019–present) The Valenti crime family’s standing with the New York Mafia Commission has historically been described as peripheral and conditional, shaped by its West Coast geography and its uneven relationships with East Coast families. During Santino Valenti’s reign, the family’s poor relationship with the Genovese crime family placed it at a disadvantage within traditional Commission politics. Underworld accounts described Valenti as resistant to outside direction, and the family was frequently viewed in New York circles as independent to the point of liability. As a result, Commission interest in Los Santos was often framed less as stewardship of the Valentis and more as occasional intervention to prevent instability from becoming a national law-enforcement problem. Bonanno involvement did not become a significant factor until 2019, when the Valenti–Bellantonio war threatened to spiral into an uncontrolled cycle of retaliatory violence. Underworld reporting described the arrival of Joseph “The Barber” Uttaro, a reputed Bonanno caporegime and Commission-linked intermediary, as a turning point. Uttaro’s role was commonly characterized as that of an outside stabilizer tasked with forcing a settlement that would reduce killings, limit collateral attention, and impose a functional separation of rackets to prevent future escalation. The peace that followed was frequently described as a Commission-friendly outcome, not because it restored Valenti dominance, but because it created a workable ceasefire in a region that had become increasingly visible. The settlement was later regarded as one of the first instances in years where the West Coast conflict was contained through a traditional Cosa Nostra-style mediation rather than spiraling into prolonged factional warfare. Modern decline and the Grumo administration (2020–2024) By the early 2020s, the Valenti family increasingly appeared to prioritize survival and insulation over expansion. A key transitional figure was Paul Grumo (1966–2024), a Tampa-born administrator who rose to become acting boss during the family’s fragile rebuilding period. Grumo was described as markedly different from Santino Valenti in style, favoring low visibility, internal consolidation, and the careful reconstruction of revenue channels disrupted by prior indictments and defections. Under his stewardship, the organization reduced overt violence and shifted toward quieter forms of money movement and influence, while attempting to preserve enough cohesion to prevent splintering. Grumo’s administration was often characterized as a containment strategy. Rather than attempting to reclaim the sweeping territorial dominance of the Butcher era, the family narrowed its exposure by limiting who had access to sensitive information, reducing the number of direct touch points between senior figures and street-level operations, and leaning more heavily on intermediaries and trusted earners. This approach was reinforced by the realities of the post-2019 environment, in which the family had already endured a public war, growing surveillance, and a shrinking recruitment pool. Underworld accounts frequently described Grumo as an internal mediator who prioritized predictability, internal discipline, and the avoidance of flashy conduct that could create investigative leverage. In 2021, the family suffered a major disruption when a federal investigation triggered by the disappearance of soldier Arnold Brigone uncovered a sophisticated state-wide money laundering network orchestrated by captain Lucas “Pags” Pagano. Investigators described the operation as one of the most ambitious financial schemes ever attributed to the Los Santos Mafia. The laundering network reportedly relied on shell corporations and legitimate fronts such as farms, service firms, and agricultural wholesalers, converting illicit proceeds into seemingly lawful revenue while also evading taxes through layered bookkeeping and controlled disbursements. The resulting indictments named Pagano, Grumo, Rudolph Guercini, and Carmine “Baggs” Baggalia among the high-ranking figures, and law enforcement widely described the case as the most damaging blow to the family since Santino Valenti’s imprisonment. The case not only removed key earners and administrators but also forced the family to reassess how it moved money, how it compartmentalized decision-making, and how it insulated leadership from financial tracing. Transition to the Dippolitos (2024–present) In 2024, Paul Grumo died suddenly, with underworld accounts and investigators commonly attributing the death to an apparent heart attack. His death created another leadership vacuum at a moment when the organization’s senior ranks had already been depleted by indictments and violence. The transition that followed was widely described as the final major structural reorientation of the Valenti crime family in the post-Butcher era. Rather than elevating another short-lived figurehead, the family consolidated authority within a small leadership nucleus associated with William and Michael Dippolito. The shift represented a movement away from a single stabilizing administrator toward a dual-track model in which revenue control, enforcement credibility, and internal arbitration were coordinated through a tightly managed inner circle. By the time Grumo died, underworld observers argued that the Dippolitos had already become essential to the family’s stability in practice. William was commonly described as the figure most capable of preventing fragmentation because of his calm reputation, his ability to conduct sitdowns without provoking challenges, and his role as an allocator of rackets in an era when fewer rackets remained worth fighting over. Michael was commonly described as the operational counterpart, valued for his control of earners, his ability to enforce compliance quietly, and his role in sustaining low-exposure revenue streams that could survive the post-2021 investigative environment. The transition also marked a clearer articulation of the family’s modern operating philosophy. Under the Dippolitos, authority was maintained through tight compartmentalization, a reduced leadership footprint, and the use of buffers to separate senior figures from street activity. Disputes were increasingly handled through private sitdowns, and violence was treated as a last resort due to the legal exposure it created. The family’s day-to-day functioning was frequently described as performance-based, with influence tied to who could produce revenue, keep their people out of headlines, and preserve internal order without creating investigative openings. In this period, the Bonanno channel that had emerged during the 2019 war was increasingly described as beneficial to the new Valenti leadership nucleus. Under this view, Bonanno-linked relationships provided a form of external credibility at a moment when the Valentis had suffered repeated leadership collapses, indictments, and informant damage. Rather than granting formal recognition or direct oversight, the Bonanno connection was seen as providing practical support through structured dispute resolution, the maintenance of non-interference agreements with rival groups, and selective introductions that allowed the Valentis to remain connected to broader Cosa Nostra business norms even as their domestic footprint shrank. Sicilian Mafia ties and the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina In the modern era, investigators and underworld sources increasingly attributed portions of Valenti narcotics and money-movement activity to transnational relationships with Italian organized crime groups, particularly Calabrian ’Ndrangheta networks and Sicilian-linked intermediaries. These relationships were most often described as pragmatic business arrangements rather than formal alliances, structured to give the Valentis access to wholesale supply while providing Italian counterparts with distribution reach and laundering opportunities in San Andreas. A key nexus in these accounts was the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina, a Calabrian ’Ndrangheta clan reportedly involved in international cocaine trafficking. Underworld reporting described the ’Ndrina as operating through a web of intermediaries that sometimes included Sicilian-connected facilitators who could broker introductions, resolve disputes, and guarantee credibility between groups that otherwise did not share direct organizational lineage. In this framework, Sicilian ties were less commonly portrayed as command relationships and more often as connective tissue, with respected intermediaries vouching for participants, establishing terms, and ensuring transactional compliance around debt, delivery schedules, and retaliation protocols. The Valenti family’s strongest reported connection to the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina was said to have flowed through networks linked to Michael Dippolito and his associate Giannis Savas, who allegedly facilitated shipments routed through Las Venturas and rural Bone County. These channels were described as using desert landing strips and logistics corridors disguised as agricultural transport, allowing product to enter San Andreas with reduced exposure. Analysts framed this relationship as part of a broader Mafia economic shift in which weakened domestic La Cosa Nostra groups increasingly relied on external suppliers with stronger upstream control. In this model, the Valentis’ value was local distribution capacity, debt enforcement, and laundering expertise, while the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina’s value was access to international supply and a disciplined trafficking infrastructure. Sicilian intermediaries, where referenced, were typically described as transactional brokers who bridged cultural and operational differences between American crews and Italian counterparts and helped maintain trust without direct, high-risk contact between leadership figures. Current status By the mid-2020s, the Valenti crime family was widely assessed as severely diminished and fragmented, operating at a small fraction of its former size. Unlike the Butcher era, when the organization was believed to maintain clear command authority over crews and territories, the modern Valentis were described as a loose constellation of aging members, long-time associates, and semi-independent crews bound more by personal history than by an enforceable centralized hierarchy. Law enforcement officials often noted that defining the family’s contemporary structure was difficult because remaining members appeared to have adopted increased compartmentalization, reduced communications, and greater reliance on buffers to avoid surveillance and conspiracy exposure. Geographically, remnants were thought to persist in Los Santos and older outposts such as San Diego, San Fierro, and Florida, with occasional corridors extending toward Las Venturas. Rather than controlling territory through visible street power, the family was described as operating through selective influence, quiet loansharking, discreet money movement, and laundering arrangements tied to legitimate businesses. Some accounts suggested that surviving Valenti-connected figures increasingly relied on non-Italian intermediaries who served as practical shields, allowing older mafiosi to reduce direct exposure while still benefiting from revenue streams. The aftermath of the 2021 Pagano laundering case continued to shape operations, with analysts arguing that the organization shifted toward smaller transactions, less centralized cash pooling, and cautious legitimate mixing designed to reduce the risk of another sweeping financial indictment. Investigators remained divided on whether the Valenti crime family still functioned as a coherent family or had become a collection of residual relationships operating under an old name. One view held that the organization was effectively defunct, with most senior figures dead, imprisoned, missing, or retired. Another argued that the Valentis had evolved into a quieter formation, operating through insulated cells and legitimate business entanglements, with fewer members but a higher degree of caution and adaptability. What was broadly agreed upon was that the modern Valenti organization bore little resemblance to the syndicate that once dominated Los Santos under Santino Valenti, and its decline was commonly framed as part of a broader West Coast pattern in which traditional Mafia structures were eroded by RICO enforcement, demographic shifts, competition from agile criminal enterprises, and the increasing sophistication of financial surveillance. Out of Character Information Established in 2007, the Valenti crime family is renowned for providing the most authentic portrayal of the American Cosa Nostra on the West Coast. Our commitment to realism is evident in our structure, activities, behavior, long-standing characters and intricate storylines. The Valenti crime family's role-play standards are exceptionally high, and as such, recruitment and progression is handled strictly in-character in a realistic manner. Our faction operates with a character-first and realism-focused mindset, leading to organic, well-paced development and highly immersive role-play. Only those with unwavering commitment, quality role-play abilities, and a mindset focused on character development should attempt to join. If your main goal is to climb the ranks, accumulate riches or anything other than engage in realistic role-play, this faction is not for you. Those interested in joining should focus on developing a multi-dimensional character who adds to the realism of our setting. Characters of all backgrounds and ethnicities are welcome, provided their association with the organization is realistic. Ensure your name is authentic, such as John Romano or John Morello, and avoid unrealistic names like John Galloscianino or John Morrelo. Authenticity is paramount, and we will require a name change if this criterion is not met. Aspiring recruits are advised to develop a criminal MO for their character or find another way for their character to become an asset and/or vulnerable to our characters in some manner as a pathway to joining. The Valenti crime family's leadership reserves the right to authorize a character kill on those who work for the organization for any reason deemed fit. Feel free to post any questions or comments about the Valenti crime family in this thread. Any complaints should be handled through private messages. Only those with permission from an inductee may post screenshots on this thread. Those interested in interacting with us are welcome to join our public Discord channel (link below) where we provide notifications for upcoming business openings. https://discord.gg/2kdpkDvxbp

The Notorious Wah Ching gang, which operates in several sets throughout Los Santos, is mostly, though not exclusively, made of Chinese American ethnicity. The gang began in the 1960s as a form of unity to protect each other from rival sets pressing the Chinese American locals and turned to making money through drug trafficking, gambling establishments, and the sales of illicit goods and contraband through connections to Triad associates. As the Wah Chings membership increased over time, internal strife eventually forced them to relocate south to Los Santos, leaving their original city under foreign control. There, they formed a subset called Alley Boyz. The gang completely assimilated into the local gang culture during this time embracing its colors, gang signs, fashion, slangs and aliases. A more decentralized structure was the outcome of many Wah Ching sets breaking away from the original hierarchy in the late 1990s due to the increased law enforcement pressure and RICO investigations. The different groups still identified as Alley Boyz in spite of this division, and they mostly kept amicable relations with one another. Although the sub sets still function in a more conventional, disorganized gang fashion, Wah Ching has mostly reorganized today around structed, organized crime activities, still having ties with Triad affiliates. Wah Ching Alley Boyz are known to operate out of Brouge Avenue within East Los Santos, they're often seen loitering outside the corner discount store, car wash or within the parking lot, where they conduct various illegal activities.

Introductions; The Land Of The Rabbs / The Gangland Woke Up Late & A Scene On 35th / Linking Up With The Rabbs Out In Traffic / Set-bound; The Gangland II Puttin Hours In The Set & Troopin The Setta

hard

comp comp comp

oh yea

hey risen

playboys

The Los Renegados Motorcycle Club, also commonly known as LRMC, FRRF and The Renegados, is a third-generation motorcycle club that was originally established during the late 1970s [unknown specific year] in Los Santos County, San Andreas. Estimated during the years of 1978 and 1992, Samuel Montoya - alias assumed to be Primero - was the first President of the club and all affiliated businesses, alongside his brother-in-law and established business partner David Ibarra who is assumed Vice President. Despite the unknown time frame, the club is assumed to have migrated north into the state of San Andreas; it is known, however, that the club currently has a large presence in the Davis area in the eastern area of Los Santos, SA. Law enforcement officials for the city estimate and approximately 54 “full-patched” members are currently actively present within the club. Currently, LRMC is the eighth largest motorcycle club in the western states of America with predictions of significant growth. It is confirmed that the motorcycle club is currently commanded by their confirmed President Andres Garcia , alias unknown, and confirmed Vice President James McGraw , alias assumed to be ‘Mac’. Known established business include the (unknown-name) Bar - all actively in operation in the South Side area of Los Santos, off Innocence and Carson. The Los Renegados Motorcycle Club is designated an organized crime group by the United States Department of Justice and is currently an amber priority for the Los Santos Police Department’s narcotics division. OOC: Alittle about us shall we? The Los Renegados are a faction that does not want internal drama, or fighting within the faction. We are all veterans of LS-RP whether from the far distant past, or from the SAMP shut down. We offer each member that roleplays with our faction the ability to open a business or try new things with their character for their own development. We strive not to be a copy/paste version of other motorcycle clubs, but to make ourselves stand out from the rest. Feel free to join our discord (https://discord.gg/frc8txFAZy) if you are interested in joining the Los Renegados MC. We strive for this faction to be a staple of LS-RP, that's why OOC rules were created with the faction's reputation in mind. These rules are not here to influence any RP, nor are they here to stop people from having fun. The following OOC rules are simply put in place to ensure the quality of the faction remains as high as possible. • The only way to join the faction is via IC methods. Attempting to join OOC or asking friends for an OOC introduction to the faction is strictly forbidden. • All LS-RP server rules must be followed at all times. Any and all OOC questions can be forwarded to @Ormond31 & @Hellishape21

E/S Playboys 13, also known as "Conejos" or "Rabbit Gang", is a long standing, notorious Sureño street gang located in the low-bottoms of South Central, East Side Los Santos. Taking over Jamestown St. and nearby areas, E/S Playboys 13 was established in the early 1970s, forming a branch off of the original West Side Playboys from the 1950s, who began as the Southern San Andreas Latin Playboys Car Club. A group of young Chicano men who spent weekends building lowriders and showing off their cars around West Los Santos. They wore matching jackets and polished chrome, not gang colours. But as times changed, the city's Latino population was growing, and many working-class families were being pushed south towards lower income neighbourhoods, and as a result, Playboys younger generation had turned from a social club into a street gang. The set remains firmly aligned with the Mexican Mafia and enforces strict Southsider codes through the "13" affiliation. While it is historically a Mexican-American gang, it has been known for having a relatively high number of African American members. Despite this, the gang’s identity, symbols, language, and traditions are heavily rooted in Mexican-American gang culture. Daily operations focus on street-level sales of meth and heroin, extortion of local spots and dealers, armed robberies, while being highly territorial, with strong emphasis placed on defending and representing its neighborhood. E/S PBS13 currently operates out of three different cliques, each playing their own role within the organisation. Zoo Riders operate as a mobile, enforcement-heavy subset focused on street presence and rival confrontations. Malos, one of the oldest cliques inherited from the gang’s founding era, carries veteran influence and handles internal discipline. Crystal Bunnies, the all-female clique, maintains tight operations with their signature pink/red accents blended into traditional blue Sureño colors. The set holds a low-key but brutal reputation amid fierce rivalries with Florencia 13, 38th Street, and local Crip hoods. Territory is heavily tagged with "PBS", "E/S PBS13", and rabbit symbols marking dominance. Regardless of their affiliation to the Mexican Mafia, this has not stopped Playboys from forming rivalries with other Sureño gangs. With the increased presence of gang members and affiliates on social media platforms, Playboys 13 has also become a frequent target of online provocation. Often referred to as “Peanutbutters,” which is widely recognized as a derogatory nickname aimed at disrespecting the set and its members. Such labels are intentionally used to undermine the gang’s identity, challenge its reputation, and provoke emotional reactions, particularly in spaces where posts can spread quickly and reach a wide audience. Members of the gang are commonly sending threats in response, recording themselves in enemy territory either in traffic or vandalizing walls with the sets tags. These conflicts escalate, and turn into the root cause for a lot of gang rivalries in E/S Playboys 13's modern history.

yuup

🔥

🔥

🔥

🔥

🦅

This is fire

Its over

cool damn

the diamonds in the dirt, will keep an eye on this. have fun, looking forward to see what Connor will cook especially

Mitchell!

my boys

y'all just wont quit huh love to see it, no luck needed

"He who has a why to live can bear almost any how." You don't need luck, boys. You have your why. Have fun.

👀👀

With my current plans in regards to LSRP, reinstating just now wont be an option. But never say never! I'm sure George Dixon is still kicking about somewhere (well, his alter-ego)

nice

opaaaa back at it i see

Another round.

(HRMC Circa 2023)

🔥🔥

Albanian nation about to pull some moves.

trip down the memory lane. i miss yall

All recruitment as you can imagine will be done In Character and you will be expected to not break any rules, be respectful and dedicated to the faction and your character in it. We understand that not everybody is an expert on gang roleplay, specifically Sureño roleplay, so we expect you to accept constructive criticism if it's being given to you in order to maintain high standards and produce an enjoyable roleplay experience for all those involved. If you are interested in joining the faction, feel free to join our Discord server. This will be the best place to find out when we are active in-game, learn more about the faction and interact with current members. This is mandatory if you are wanting to progress in the faction, as it helps us keep things organised and under control. If you have any questions or complaints about the faction or its members, send a forum PM to @risen or @Draxxler

At about ten minutes before the courthouse doors opened, the sun was still nothing butjust a rumor over The Davis Courts Building at Macdonald Street in LS. A pale smear behind the strip malls and all the palm trees that tried too damn hard. Sidewalks folded into themselves like old paper. People moved in small but very urgent patterns. The air smelled faintly of oil and stale coffee. It’s that typical kind of morning that makes the city feel like a thing you can put your hands on and shake until its pockets spill loose change. Gashi walked in with his hands cuffed behind his back and his head leveled. He wore the orange county jail suit. In the hall, all the men in plain clothes eyed him like he belonged to a ledger. Families would pass by with their flicked glances that somewhat carried that pity about the guy. Gashi knew that whatever else happened today, the room would be full of listeners with opinions dressed as facts. In front of the bench, he looked smaller than the rumors had made him sound. The judge peered down like somebody who’d watched too damn many people try to play the same hand. The prosecutor smiled like a man who’d practiced this smile in the mirror for years and years. Cameras were kept away, but their absence made the whole damn moment worse. Everyone felt like a witness in a theater where the stage was made of fluorescent lights and some shitty cheap oak. “Mr. Gashi” the judged said. “We’ll hear your allocution. You may now speak.” Man cleared his throat. He did not wanna give no speech, that simply was not his style. He did not romanticize himself. He’d learned super early that words were a currency, always liable to counterfeits. “My name is Fatmir Gashi” he began, and his voice was even, as if he was reading a receipt. “I am forty-two. Born in Kosovo. I was just 16 years of age when I grabbed my gun to fight the Serbian regime. Left my country at 17 years of age, and I was smuggled here via a boat, I left my country because it had nothing to offer to me. I did what I did, your honor, because that is what my neighborhood taught me, stack small wins and keep the brothers fed.” The prosecutor stood and aimed for a precision-like tone. “Mr. Gashi, how did you acquire the items listed in counts one through six? Be specific.” Gashi looked at him for a very long second, and when he spoke, he gave nothing that a cop could use to string another confession. He offered the truth, but the truth on his terms: human, not technical. “I did not invent anything new, counselor” he said. “I worked a chain, as you can see… There is always someone doing the shopping, someone doing the selling, and someone watching the product. See, my part? My part was in the middle: I moved things down a line so other people could breathe easy. Tires and radios from broken up imports, bikes that walked out of warehouses, pills that passed from a guy in a club to a guy who needed cash tonight. I did not build the factories, I just made the connections between hungry mouths and hungry pockets.” The prosecutor, like any other prosecutor really, tried to pin him with the details, names, routes, phone numbers. Gashi gave faces instead, the old mechanic who kept a radio on for news and for clients, the woman who worked night shift at the freight lot and owed a cousin money, the kid who knew how to hold a fake ID like origami. He described methods in a way that sounded like a street sermon. “You facilitated trafficking” the prosecutor said. “You profited.” he added. “Maybe” Gashi answered. “But this is not a story of glory or something I take pride on. It is just a thing of survival. We put plates on table. We paid for funerals. We paid for a mother’s insulin when the clinic would not wait. Every caper in the docket was somebody trying not to sink”. The judge later asked about violence. “There are allegations you ordered an assault” she said. “What do you say to that?” Gashi’s jaw tightened like a wire. “I never liked the part of business that needs a boot on a throat” he said. “But force… force protects things people can’t protect themselves. If I had to pick a sin, I would say selfishness. I made decisions so that the others would not make worse ones. It is not a defense. It is what I did.” When the court recessed and the reporters found their way to the hallway, Gashi’s whole world narrowed to the cell that the city hands you for a day. He talked, sometimes, not to absolve himself but to name the roots of what he’d become. Gashi grew up in Burton, near a seam of households, where the city’s refuse and the city’s riches touched a lot and swapped coats at night. There were men who sold fortunes behind the shuttered stores, goods that had lost the names they were born with and were reborn as cheaper luxuries on another block. Gashi did learn to read invoices like a tarot: a code here, a canceled line there, a phone number that always answered at three in the morning. He learned that there were easier ways to get what people wanted than to make anything from scratch. His networks were made of favors, and favors are very sticky. A tow-truck driver would /find/ a van left idling too long. A dock worked would miscount a pallet and smile when something walked away in the dark. A club bartender could move a box out back while heads nodded to a beat no one kept track of. Gashi kept his hands very clean by keeping his mouth shut and his ledger very, very thin. He traded in the hum of rumor, in promises to be useful later, in sort of, splitting small margins that added up when you were patient. But Gashi never pretended to work as noble. “You don’t get into it for ideals” he told the judge once, when the morning had gone long and everyone had tired of the theater. “You get into it because there is a kid with a fever and nowhere to go, because the landlord knows how to notice empty plates. You get in to string some rope between you and sinking.” The prosecution painted him as a linchpin. The defense painted him as a product. Gashi sat between two and let them argue like children over a vase he’d broken. When the judge asked if he had anything else to say before sentencing, he swallowed and let the silence do half of his work. “I’m not here to ask for leniency because I deserve it” he said. “I’m here to say that if you strip me of what I did have, the people who listened to me, the few places I kept honest, I have a vacuum the city will fill with something worse. If you want to punish, do it. But understand what you are cutting out of the map.” Outside, the afternoon flattened into a smudge of heat and exhaust. Gashi walked back to the holding room with his sentence which sort of lingered between his shoulders. He had told enough of his story to make a jury think, maybe pity, maybe contempt, but he had the specifics close, the way a man keeps his passport when he plans to leave or stay. The city would keep breathing, just pretty much like it always did, fuelling quieter businesses and meaner trades alike. He’d learned, that in Burton and under the yellow lights, that nothing was clean. Not love, not money, not law. In court, he’d tried to make that mess sound like a life. Whether the judge called it an explanation or an excuse did not change what Gashi’d been: a man who moved goods because the city left him with no cleaner options, and who now stood in a room of people deciding whether his past would be his future.

-Burglary script -Avoid micro-management in terms of drug & gun flow, let LAW battle it. Just raise the consequences. High rewards for high risks. -Bunch of furniture objects (I can help with that) -Bunch of firearms mods -Serious weapon damage, including one shot to the head. Make shooting scene realistic, maybe injury system if shot in certain places, legs/arms. -Allow certain electronics to be stolen from properties in burglary script TV's/radios & etc... fenced off at pawn shops. -Different clothing stores, different items. Expensive, medium, low level. -All the jewelry to be split up as well, watches, earrings, necklaces. Different types in different stores with different pricey value. -Clothing system that would be part of "items" in inventory and allow people to steal clothes from one another. -Steroids to increase body to take more impacts in a fight and maybe increased fist-damage.