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We'd like to start this month's community announcement with the following message from Mmartin: Hey everyone, I hope you're all doing well so far in the new year. I'd like to address the plans we have coming up for LS-RP in the very near future. The more keen-eyed among you have probably spotted a "February 2026" card at the end of our last LS-RP RAGE Return teaser. I'm happy to say confirm that after months of hard work by our dev team (huge shout-out to danut and n0de101 who led the RAGE development), we're crossing our t's and dotting our i's to be fully ready to re-open. This comes at a convenient time, as as of today we're shutting the SA-MP server down. I'm thrilled by having had the opportunity to relive the days past and taking SA-MP for one more ride. We've developed dozens of new features that we could only dream of back in SA-MP's heyday, and the run SA-MP had was much longer (also more fun, and at times more challenging) than we initially anticipated. So all in all I'm happy to call the re-run a success, and can't wait for you to see what we've been cooking up on the RAGE front. While we have a rough date to open doors (ports?) internally, we still have some last bridges to cross before feeling confident committing to and sharing a concrete date. It's this month however, so expect more information on dates, features and factions very soon. We'd also like to give a massive shout out to our media team and RAGE Insiders who've made the effort to showcase and highlight some of the server's legal factions in the most recent teaser for RAGE: Commerce & Estate Team In preparation for RAGE, there's been some changes to C&E and how it works/operates. Much of these changes are in the back-end, and not something we necessarily need to bore you with however, by simplifying the structure of the team into two main teams we can streamline the current processes that our team has to go through. Based on recent feedback, all teams including ourselves have agreed to ensure all applications are reviewed within 72 hours to ensure none of our players are waiting on approval for extended periods of time. Commerce Team: Manages business-related tasks, including leases, company perks (vehicles, mapping), and entrepreneurial applications. Head of Commerce Team — danut, Assistant Head of Commerce Team — Slice Estate Team: Oversees player-owned residential properties, complexes, and market pricing adjustments to match the server economy. Head of Estate Team — Caledonite, Assistant Head of Estate Team — DadoJ Keep an eye out on the forums in the coming days and weeks for more information on how you can request properties and companies prior to the server's launch. We aim to ensure that everyone's ready to hit the ground running once the server is live. Illegal Faction Team We'd like to start by acknowledging some changes to the team, as we've recently had @Spanion return to the staff team and reclaim his Illegal Faction Council role. Spanion spent a considerable amount of time supporting the Illegal Faction Team & Council around the SAMP launch and has been helping us get the team prepared for the launch of RAGE. @Conor has also been placed into the role of Illegal Faction Council, his experience in illegal street-gang roleplay, and passion for providing players with a positive, immersive experience has been of great help as we work with our development team on new exciting features for RAGE, which you may have seen in our recent promotional material - a project which @Conor has taken on and worked extremely hard on alongside our RAGE Insiders team. As the launch date for RAGE rapidly approaches, the Illegal Faction Team & Council have been very busy ensuring a smooth transition into the next stage of LS-RP for all existing factions interested in setting up shop on our RAGE server. We've also been preparing a process for returning factions, and factions from outside the community who wish to join us on LS-RP:V. We're excited to announce that we're now ready for faction leaders across the board to apply for Verified in the run up to launch. There are some eligibility criteria that must be met, and not everyone will be granted this upon launch. If you're unsure about the RAGE faction advancement structure, we recommend checking this thread. If you'd like to apply for Verified status, we ask that you submit the following application to the Illegal Faction Council for review. As the official launch date has not been released or decided, it may take some time for applications to be reviewed and approved. We don't want to get anyone excited prematurely, but by submitting your application early you'll ensure you've reserved your spot as a Verified faction for launch as we won't be giving it to every applicant. Official SAMP factions will also have the opportunity to join RAGE in an Official Faction capacity - there are also some eligibility criteria that must be met, however the Illegal Faction Council will be reaching out to these factions individually. We've also been receiving a lot of feedback about the Rules of Engagement from both players and staff regarding the length and complexity of the Rules of Engagement. We've spent some time condensing and simplifying the information, and have released a Rules of Engagement (Simplified) thread. There has been a couple of changes to ROE for the RAGE launch, most importantly this is the change to weapon restrictions (one assault rifle instead of two per attack) and the fact that robberies will now be classed as a faction attack and subject to a 6 hour cool-down. This is still a work in progress as we approach relaunch, but we encourage all faction leaders and their members to ensure they've read this thread to be up to date on the ROE for RAGE. Finally, we're excited to announce the applications for the Illegal Faction Team are now open! If you'd like to provide your input and work as part of a team to support the illegal roleplay community, we recommend submitting an application. And, as always if there's any queries or concerns you'd like to discuss with the Illegal Faction Team/Council, our discord has a ticket bot to allow you to easily communicate your ideas with us - Discord Invite! Staff Update Following our recent tester driver, congratulations to our new staff members ... Tester Karelia - Lande - mhrhan - Hellishape21 f1nn - Ormond31 - Calvin Congratulations to our newly promoted staff members ... Senior Admin Conor Senior Tester Zion - NissanR Welcome back to our returning staff members ... Tester Draxxler15 points
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E/S Playboys 13, also known as "Conejos" or "Rabbit Gang", is a long standing, notorious Sureño street gang located in the low-bottoms of South Central, East Side Los Santos. Taking over Jamestown St. and nearby areas, E/S Playboys 13 was established in the early 1970s, forming a branch off of the original West Side Playboys from the 1950s, who began as the Southern San Andreas Latin Playboys Car Club. A group of young Chicano men who spent weekends building lowriders and showing off their cars around West Los Santos. They wore matching jackets and polished chrome, not gang colours. But as times changed, the city's Latino population was growing, and many working-class families were being pushed south towards lower income neighbourhoods, and as a result, Playboys younger generation had turned from a social club into a street gang. The set remains firmly aligned with the Mexican Mafia and enforces strict Southsider codes through the "13" affiliation. While it is historically a Mexican-American gang, it has been known for having a relatively high number of African American members. Despite this, the gang’s identity, symbols, language, and traditions are heavily rooted in Mexican-American gang culture. Daily operations focus on street-level sales of meth and heroin, extortion of local spots and dealers, armed robberies, while being highly territorial, with strong emphasis placed on defending and representing its neighborhood. E/S PBS13 currently operates out of three different cliques, each playing their own role within the organisation. Zoo Riders operate as a mobile, enforcement-heavy subset focused on street presence and rival confrontations. Chicos Locos, one of the oldest cliques inherited from the gang’s founding era, carries veteran influence and handles internal discipline. Crystal Bunnies, the all-female clique, maintains tight operations with their signature pink/red accents blended into traditional blue Sureño colors. The set holds a low-key but brutal reputation amid fierce rivalries with Florencia 13, 38th Street, and local Crip hoods. Territory is heavily tagged with "PBS", "E/S PBS13", and rabbit symbols marking dominance. Regardless of their affiliation to the Mexican Mafia, this has not stopped Playboys from forming rivalries with other Sureño gangs. With the increased presence of gang members and affiliates on social media platforms, Playboys 13 has also become a frequent target of online provocation. Often referred to as “Peanutbutters,” which is widely recognized as a derogatory nickname aimed at disrespecting the set and its members. Such labels are intentionally used to undermine the gang’s identity, challenge its reputation, and provoke emotional reactions, particularly in spaces where posts can spread quickly and reach a wide audience. Members of the gang are commonly sending threats in response, recording themselves in enemy territory either in traffic or vandalizing walls with the sets tags. These conflicts escalate, and turn into the root cause for a lot of gang rivalries in E/S Playboys 13's modern history.12 points
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Quite. Saying that, I can't lie. Over the past couple weeks my interest in RAGE/LSRP V has grown dramatically. I'm actually excited for this. Make it work, lads. I'll help if given the opportunity.3 points
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WELCOME TO THE BEN-ARI JEWEL HOUSE WEBSITE!!! Established in 2002, jewellery specialists serving San Fierro and Del Perro! 💎 We accept: Card • Bank Transfer • Cheque • Cash!!! Today’s Special: “Star of Del Perro” Pendant — $129.99 Use code: DEAL4 LIMITED TIME OFFER!!! ★ SHOP RINGS Silver Engagement Rings FROM $500 Blue Gemstone Rings FROM $350 Classic Gold Bands FROM $500 NECKLACES Star Pendants FROM $600 Crystal Pendants FROM $600 Beaded Tassel Necklaces FROM $500 TIMEPIECES Gorgeous Watches FROM $100!!! Rhinestone Pieces FROM $900 ANTIQUE Pocket Watches FROM $1000 💎 DIAMOND VAULT 💎 ★ ABOUT US Ben-Ari Jewel House. Family-run, proudly serving customers across Del Perro and San Fierro. We offer gold, silver and diamond jewllery, with selected pieces available in-store. We also offer resizing and basic repairs. ★ LOCATIONS Del Perro: 12 Ocean View Walk, Del Perro San Fierro: 88 Market Street, San Fierro ★ CONTACT Email: [email protected] Phone: 0800-BEN-ARI Hours: Mon-Sat • 10:00 - 18:00 ★ JEWELLERY CARE TIPS • Keep jewellery dry • Avoid perfume • Store separately ★ GUESTBOOK Leave a message!!! Name: Your Message: ★ “Lola_DelPerro” (08/06/2003): OMG the sparkle is unreal!!! ★ “SF_Baller” (17/05/2009): Fast delivery, A++++ would bling again. ★ “BlueStarGirl” (02/04/2006): the ring is perfect :DDD ★ STORE POLICY All items sold by Ben-Ari Jewel House are sold as-is and are considered final sale. Ben-Ari Jewel House does not offer refunds, returns, exchanges, or store credit under any circumstances. Ownership of all items transfers to the purchaser at the point of sale or dispatch, after which Ben-Ari Jewel House accepts no responsibility for the item. Any defects, wear, imperfections, or changes in appearance occurring after purchase are the sole responsibility of the purchaser. Ben-Ari Jewel House shall not be held liable for damage resulting from normal wear, accidental damage, misuse, improper care, exposure to water, chemicals, perfume, heat, pressure, impact, or time, including but not limited to bent settings, loose stones, scratches, broken clasps, chain breakage, fading, or loss of stones. Images displayed are for illustrative purposes only and may not accurately represent actual size, colour, weight, or finish, and all measurements provided are approximate; slight variations are normal and do not constitute a fault. Repairs, resizing, polishing, cleaning, and stone replacement may be offered at additional cost and are subject to inspection and approval; all repair quotes are estimates only and may change following assessment. Repairs are undertaken at the customer’s risk, and Ben-Ari Jewel House is not responsible for further damage caused by pre-existing weaknesses or issues revealed during the repair process. Items left for repair, resizing, or collection must be collected within 30 days of notification; items not collected within this period may be subject to storage fees, and Ben-Ari Jewel House reserves the right to dispose of or resell uncollected items after a reasonable period in order to recover costs. Ben-Ari Jewel House accepts no liability for consequential loss, indirect damage, loss, theft, dissatisfaction, or buyer’s remorse. Any disputes arising from a purchase must be raised in writing within 7 days of purchase or dispatch; failure to do so constitutes acceptance of the item and these terms. Ben-Ari Jewel House reserves the right to refuse service to any customer at its discretion. Prices are subject to change without notice, stock may vary by location, and management’s decision is final. © 2002-2004 Ben-Ari Jewel House • Del Perro • San Fierro • Best viewed in Internet Explorer • You are visitor #000419883 points
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Home » Press Release » Mexican Mafia Members Convicted In RICO Case ______________________________________________________________________________________________________ Mexican Mafia Members Convicted In RICO Case U.S. Attorney's Office July 8, 2015 LOS SANTOS — An estimate of forty members or associates of the Mexican Mafia prison gang were charged by the Los Santos District Attorney's Office for their major role in a long lasting drug trafficking conspiracy involving numerous members of Sureño gangs state-wide. The Los Santos County Sheriff's Department Major Crimes Bureau and the Safe Streets Task Force have been conducting a thorough investigation on the Mexican Mafia's hierarchy in an effort to link the prison gang's connection to other gangs in San Andreas. Members of the Mexican Mafia most of the time relies on a big network of Sureño gangs to move heavy amount of narcotics across the state. In return for protection and access to drugs, the organization demands street taxes on these gangs. It also uses smaller groups under its influence to intimidate and or remove other competitors from the local drug market. Prosecutors stated in the indictment that a primary objective of the Mexican Mafia was "to control and profit from drug trafficking." During these proceedings, U.S. District Judge Mark H. described a tense moment in the courtroom, recalling that one of the several co-defendants had to be removed due to a lot of tensions between him and one of the witnesses. He noted that the intimidation was clear. According to the indictment, the majority of the defendants who were already serving a substantial amount at the time of the new charges were filed. As a result of this, nineteen out of forty now lost their chance for parole. The case also involved coordinated support from the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the San Andreas Department of Corrections' Investigate Service Unit who have been actively investigating various inmates linked to the gang. Southern District of San Andreas (619) 557-56103 points
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Sad to see it go, it was a hell of a run though. Looking forward to what comes up with the new release of V. Congratulations everyone2 points
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End of an era, trailer has me very excited for the RAGE launch. Cannot wait to jump back in when I have the time!2 points
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All recruitment as you can imagine will be done In Character and you will be expected to not break any rules, be respectful and dedicated to the faction and your character in it. We understand that not everybody is an expert on gang roleplay, specifically Sureño roleplay, so we expect you to accept constructive criticism if it's being given to you in order to maintain high standards and produce an enjoyable roleplay experience for all those involved. If you are interested in joining the faction, feel free to join our Discord server. This will be the best place to find out when we are active in-game, learn more about the faction and interact with current members. This is mandatory if you are wanting to progress in the faction, as it helps us keep things organised and under control. If you have any questions or complaints about the faction or its members, send a forum PM to @risen or @Draxxler2 points
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This faction aims to portray a realistic depiction of American-Jewish, Orthodox Jewish, and Israeli organized crime, inspired by historical and modern real-world examples. The focus is on white-collar and financially driven criminal activity rather than street-level gangs or constant violence. We are starting small and intentionally loosely organized, centered around a Jewish community in Del Perro. Early RP will focus on business fronts, community institutions, financial dealings, and subtle influence, allowing the faction to develop naturally over time through long-term storytelling. This faction does include religious RP. Some characters will portray Orthodox or observant Jewish individuals, while others may be secular Jewish or non-religious. Religious elements are used for authenticity and context only, reflecting how culture and community can play a role in organized crime in the real world. We do not intend to stereotype, caricature, or mock Judaism or Jewish culture in any way. We will not accept troll characters, bad-faith portrayals, or ridiculous offensive stereotypes. Clear separation between IC actions and OOC beliefs is expected at all times. If you are interested in joining, interacting, or collaborating with the faction and are unsure how to portray your character appropriately, feel free to reach out OOC. I’m more than happy to help you develop a character concept that fits the faction’s tone and can invite you to our Discord to discuss ideas further.1 point
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Polished Gold & Dirty Money: How Charities Became the Perfect Laundromat for Organized Crime Date: Jan 5, 2026 | Topic: Crime & Finance| Region: United States | Tags: Organized Crime, Financial Crime, Charities, Money Laundering By Daniel Roth For decades, Americans have been taught to picture organized crime in a very particular way: smoke-filled back rooms, street-level violence, and flashy excess. That image persists because it is comfortable. It keeps crime recognizable, visible, and safely distant from the institutions many of us trust. But modern organized crime no longer thrives in alleyways. It thrives in boardrooms, in donation ledgers, and behind glass display cases filled with gold and diamonds. In recent years, federal investigators have begun to acknowledge a shift that criminologists have quietly warned about for over a decade: charities, religious foundations, and high-value retail businesses have become some of the most effective tools for laundering money, enforcing illegal debts, and concealing gambling profits. And in several cases, these operations have been linked to loosely affiliated Israeli- and Jewish-backed criminal networks operating across state lines. “You don’t launder money where people expect criminals to be,” a former federal investigator told me. “You launder it where people don’t want to look.” The perfect cover. Charities occupy a uniquely protected space in American society. Donations are encouraged, oversight is often limited, and questioning their finances can carry social and political consequences. When those charities are tied to religious institutions, that protection deepens further. Federal court filings from the last decade show a recurring pattern: shell charities collecting “donations” that coincide with known loan-sharking repayments, gambling debts, or the liquidation of illicit assets. The money moves through nonprofit accounts, emerges as “grants” or “community support,” and is then reinvested into legitimate businesses, often real estate, logistics, or luxury retail. Jewelry stores, in particular, have proven to be ideal companions to this system. High-value items with subjective pricing make it easy to disguise cash inflows and outflows. Diamonds can be purchased, resold, transported internationally, or quietly held as collateral for illegal loans. Unlike cash, jewelry doesn’t raise alarms — it raises admiration. Law enforcement officials have long noted that these businesses are rarely standalone fronts. They operate alongside charities, trusts, or foundations that provide both moral cover and logistical flexibility. In late 2025, federal prosecutors in Nevada announced a series of arrests tied to an illegal gambling and loan-sharking operation that had operated quietly for years. According to indictments, proceeds were funneled through a charitable foundation that ostensibly supported cultural and educational programs. The organization’s public filings showed nothing unusual. Its fundraising events were well attended. Its leadership was respected. Yet investigators alleged that the charity functioned as an internal bank, collecting repayments, redistributing funds, and enforcing compliance through social pressure rather than violence. While the Nevada case did not name a single overarching crime family, prosecutors described the operation as “a loosely affiliated financial network connected by trust, shared interests, and overlapping business holdings.” That phrasing has become increasingly common. What was striking was not the scale of the operation, but its restraint. No ostentatious displays of wealth. No public turf wars. Just patience. History offers plenty of precedent. From New York garment unions in the early 20th century to offshore gambling syndicates in the late 1990s, organized crime has always followed money into the least regulated spaces. In Israel, authorities have long grappled with the intersection of organized crime, nonprofits, and international finance. Several high-profile cases over the past two decades involved charities being used to move funds under the guise of humanitarian aid or religious support. American investigators have increasingly noted similar structural patterns domestically, especially in communities where trust networks are tight and disputes are resolved internally. Again, this is not about ethnicity or faith. Organized crime exists wherever opportunity exists. What matters is access, discretion, and insulation. The challenge for law enforcement is not proving that crimes occurred, it is proving intent. Charitable donations are legal. Jewelry transactions are legal. Loans between private individuals are often legal. Gambling, when kept underground, leaves little paper trail. When these elements are combined under a single network that avoids explicit hierarchy, prosecution becomes a nightmare. By the time authorities step in, the money has already moved. And unlike traditional criminal organizations, these networks do not collapse when a single figure is arrested. They reconfigure. Another trustee steps in. Another business takes over. The structure remains. The Nevada arrests will not be the last. Investigators privately admit they believe similar arrangements exist in other states, operating just below the threshold that draws sustained attention. What should concern the public is not the existence of crime, that is inevitable, but how seamlessly it has integrated into spaces we instinctively trust. When crime wears the mask of charity, criticism becomes taboo, and scrutiny becomes uncomfortable. That discomfort is precisely the point. Organized crime no longer needs fear to enforce control. It relies on silence, reputation, and the simple fact that no one wants to be the person who asks too many questions about a good cause. And that may be its most effective evolution yet.1 point
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Jewish organized crime in San Andreas Article Talk Read View source View history Tools From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia For Jewish organized crime groups in the United States and organized crime groups consisting primarily of Jewish or Jewish Israeli members, see Jewish organized crime and Organized crime in Israel. Jewish organized crime in San Andreas refers to a network of criminal enterprises historically associated with Jewish-American communities in the Los Santos metropolitan area and surrounding regions. Emerging from postwar migration and commercial development, these groups became primarily involved in financial crime, real-estate manipulation, private lending, gambling, and cargo diversion, favoring economic leverage over overt street violence. Law-enforcement agencies and media outlets have commonly referred to these activities under the names Jewish Mob, the Jewish Mafia, the Kosher Mob, the Kosher Mafia, the Yiddish Connection,[1] and Kosher Nostra[2][3] a term modeled after Cosa Nostra and used to describe community-based Jewish racketeering structures. Operations in San Andreas have traditionally relied on family ties, religious institutions, and legitimate business fronts, allowing criminal activity to remain largely insulated from public visibility. Unlike other organized crime groups in the state, Jewish criminal networks are noted for their decentralized structure, emphasis on professional services such as accounting and legal mediation, and close integration with Orthodox communal life. Origins Jewish organized crime in San Andreas traces its roots to mid-20th-century Jewish migration to the West Coast, particularly among families engaged in garment manufacturing, import-export, and small retail. Early settlements concentrated around industrial corridors and port-adjacent districts of Los Santos, where warehouses and shipping firms provided both legitimate opportunity and informal avenues for coercive business practices. Historical accounts link the early organizational culture of San Andreas networks to East Coast and Las Venturas–based Jewish criminal traditions influenced by figures associated with Bugsy Hosschild, whose westward expansion of Jewish underworld activity in the 1930s and 1940s established models for blending legitimate investment with coordinated racketeering. Several founding families in San Andreas are documented as having indirect professional connections to Hosschild-era construction financing and hospitality ventures. Bugsy Hosschild in 1950 By the late 1950s and early 1960s, second-generation operators began consolidating capital through commercial property acquisition and private lending, laying the groundwork for more formalized criminal cooperation. History Late 19th century to early 20th century Large waves of Jewish immigration from Eastern Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries led to produce tightly knit communities in the developing commercial districts of Los Santos. Many newcomers entered garment work, small retail, wholesale trade, and port-related industries, while others gravitated toward informal economies centered on protection, debt enforcement, and labor mediation. By the early 1900s, localized Jewish street gangs had emerged in working-class neighborhoods near industrial corridors and shipping yards. These early groups often competed with Asian- and African-American dominated crews for control over extortion rackets and supply routes, while also cooperating when mutual profit required it. As in other American cities, criminal subcultures developed alongside immigrant poverty and social exclusion. Contemporary accounts describe a progression in which young men moved from petty theft and store extortion into organized strong-arm work, eventually forming structured crews involved in gambling, labor intimidation, and wholesale fraud. A distinct underworld vocabulary drawing from Yiddish emerged during this period, reinforcing internal identity and secrecy. Although press coverage at the time suggested a disproportionate “crime wave,” later demographic analyses indicated that Jewish residents of Los Santos were arrested at rates well below the citywide average, despite forming a substantial share of the urban population. Interwar period and early consolidation (1920s–1940s) During the interwar years, Jewish criminal networks increasingly shifted from street-level activity toward business-oriented rackets. Labor mediation, cargo interference, and construction financing became central revenue sources, particularly in warehouse districts and expanding commercial zones. Organizational culture in San Andreas was influenced by East Coast Jewish criminal traditions and by westward expansion models associated with figures connected to Bugsy Hosschild, whose blending of legitimate investment with coordinated underworld activity provided a template for emerging West Coast operations. Several early San Andreas operators are documented as having indirect professional ties to Hosschild-era hospitality and development ventures. By the late 1930s, Jewish crime groups in Los Santos had begun investing heavily in real estate, trucking firms, and entertainment-related businesses. These enterprises served both as profit centers and as mechanisms for laundering proceeds from gambling and labor racketeering. Postwar expansion (1940s–1950s) World War II and the postwar economic boom accelerated Jewish migration to San Andreas. Returning veterans and displaced families settled in port-adjacent and industrial districts, where garment factories, import-export firms, and small commercial enterprises flourished. During this period, informal enforcement evolved into structured private lending, contract manipulation, and warehouse diversion. Crews coordinated across multiple neighborhoods, using logistics companies and storage facilities to facilitate theft and resale while maintaining outwardly legitimate operations. The 1950s marked a decisive phase of consolidation. Second-generation Jewish-Americans increasingly assumed leadership of family enterprises, introducing greater financial discipline and long-term planning. Commercial property acquisition became a primary strategy, with undervalued buildings purchased through shell corporations and converted into cash-intensive storefronts. Rather than forming a single centralized syndicate, Jewish organized crime developed as a loose federation of interconnected families bound by marriage, synagogue affiliation, and shared financial services. Second-generation leadership and territorial growth (1960s–1970s) By the 1960s, activity had become concentrated in Textile City and La Mesa, where garment distribution centers, trucking firms, and warehouse leases provided opportunities for kickbacks, inflated contracts, and supply-chain control. Leadership structures remained decentralized, but coordination increased through trusted accountants and legal intermediaries. Disputes were commonly resolved through elder mediation or financial pressure rather than public violence. During the 1970s, networks expanded into Strawberry and Davis, acquiring retail strips and light industrial properties. These locations were repurposed into laundromats, wholesalers, storage facilities, and small markets, forming the backbone of laundering operations and unregulated credit systems. This era also saw the emergence of designated enforcement personnel responsible for collections and protection, while senior figures insulated themselves from direct exposure by operating through layers of intermediaries. Shift toward finance and real estate (1980s–1990s) The 1980s marked a transition toward property-driven criminal activity. Jewish crime groups increasingly focused on commercial real estate, private lending, and leveraged buyouts, using complex corporate structures to obscure ownership. High-interest loans were extended to struggling business owners, frequently followed by forced asset transfers when debts could not be repaid. Syndicate-affiliated companies gained control over apartment blocks, retail corridors, and industrial parks, particularly in mixed-use areas of Los Santos. By the 1990s, operations had become highly professionalized. Centralized bookkeeping, legal arbitration, and the use of external associates for higher-risk activity became standard. Leadership figures typically maintained public identities as legitimate entrepreneurs and community benefactors. Modernization and diversification (2000s) The early 2000s brought further modernization. Influence expanded into Del Perro and Vespucci, where beachfront cafés, gyms, and property management firms served as fronts for gambling revenue, loan-sharking, and investment laundering. Groups diversified into vehicle trafficking, warehouse fraud, and contracted business “security” services. Expansion was pursued primarily through debt acquisition, coercive lease renegotiation, and strategic partnerships rather than territorial confrontation. Internal governance increasingly relied on structured arbitration modeled after religious proceedings, allowing conflicts to be resolved discreetly while reinforcing hierarchy. Late 20th century to present In the contemporary period, Jewish organized crime in San Andreas is regarded as one of the state’s most financially sophisticated criminal ecosystems. Activities are centered on underground gambling, private lending, commercial real-estate speculation, cargo diversion, high-value vehicle trafficking, and consulting or protection services for affiliated businesses. In 2004, a multi-agency investigation known internally as Operation Cedar Ledger targeted several garment wholesalers and trucking firms in Textile City suspected of facilitating cargo diversion and invoice fraud. Although dozens of businesses were audited and multiple arrests were made, prosecutors later acknowledged difficulty securing convictions against senior figures due to layered ownership structures and extensive use of legal intermediaries. Senior figures typically reside in affluent residential areas, while operational activity remains embedded in commercial districts and industrial zones. Religious observance continues to play a central role, with participants commonly expected to observe Shabbat, maintain kosher households, and consult rabbinical authorities on major internal matters. In 2016, federal authorities dismantled a Los Santos–based extortion ring operating within Orthodox divorce mediation circles, in which several individuals were charged with kidnapping and coercion related to religious divorce proceedings. Prosecutors described the group as a “highly organized criminal enterprise utilizing religious authority as leverage,” drawing national attention to the intersection of organized crime and insular community structures. As socioeconomic conditions within Jewish communities improved over time, traditional street-level racketeering declined, giving way to more discreet, finance-oriented models. While individual Jewish-Americans remain associated with organized crime, the highly visible ethnic gangs of the early 20th century have largely faded, replaced by quieter networks emphasizing capital control and contractual leverage. By the early 2020s, investigators observed a renewed emphasis on digital finance, cryptocurrency laundering, and online sports betting platforms, marking a further evolution away from traditional cash-based operations. Orthodox and Israeli-linked networks By the late 1990s, Jewish organized crime in San Andreas increasingly consolidated around Orthodox communal structures while simultaneously developing transnational connections, particularly with criminal figures and financial intermediaries based in Israel. This period marked a shift away from loosely affiliated, secular business crews toward more insular networks rooted in religious communities, family lineage, and synagogue-based social circles. Law-enforcement assessments from the early 2000s described the emergence of what investigators termed an “Orthodox–Israeli corridor,” in which Los Santos–based operators coordinated property acquisitions, private lending, and offshore capital movement with counterparts abroad. These arrangements were facilitated through charitable foundations, religious study exchanges, and dual-citizenship travel, allowing funds and personnel to move with limited scrutiny. Religious observance played a central organizational role. Members were commonly expected to maintain kosher households, observe Shabbat, and defer major internal conflicts to elder councils modeled after rabbinical courts. These mechanisms provided both discipline and insulation from external law enforcement, as disputes were settled privately without recourse to civil courts. During the 2010s, authorities documented several cases in which Orthodox community figures were implicated in coercive debt collection and religiously framed extortion schemes, including the use of intermediaries to pressure individuals over business disputes and marital proceedings. Prosecutors characterized these operations as hybrid enterprises blending criminal enforcement with religious authority, allowing organizers to exert control while minimizing direct exposure. At the same time, Israeli-linked associates were increasingly involved in facilitating cryptocurrency laundering, international wire fraud, and overseas asset shielding. Investigators noted that proceeds from Los Santos real-estate manipulation and lending operations were frequently routed through foreign holding companies before returning as ostensibly legitimate investment capital. Jewish organized crime in San Andreas has largely adopted this integrated Orthodox–Israeli model, combining localized community control with global financial mobility. Analysts described the structure as highly adaptive, with leadership maintaining public identities as developers, consultants, or community benefactors while operational activity remained compartmentalized among trusted religious and family networks. Notable members and associates Further information: Jewish American gangsters and List of Jewish American mobsters Eli Berman, Odessa-born financier and early Los Santos crime figure active in Textile City, Strawberry, and Vespucci; credited with pioneering garment-sector racketeering and warehouse diversion networks during the 1970s. Aaron “Red” Bernstein, Founder of the Bernstein Group, a Del Perro–based gambling and private lending operation with documented ties to multiple Orthodox-aligned crews across southern San Andreas. Samuel Bioff, Entertainment-industry fixer and labor intermediary operating between Downtown Vinewood and the Port of Los Santos; later linked to union intimidation and venue protection schemes. Charles Birgerstein, Prohibition-era bootlegging coordinator whose operations extended from Sandy Shores into Los Santos wholesale markets; later transitioned into real-estate speculation. Shimon Birns, Hungarian-born extortionist and loan shark active in Davis and La Mesa, noted for maintaining cooperative relationships with Italian-American syndicates and Eastern European crews. Isaac “Kid Kahn” Blumen, Romanian Jewish immigrant and early enforcement figure for the Blumen Organization, a multi-state gambling and vehicle export network operating out of Los Santos International Docks. Levi Buchalter, Financial coordinator associated with contract enforcement crews during the 1980s; later implicated in multiple warehouse fraud investigations.1 point
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Mr Senior Admin @Conor! Congrats lad and to all the rest of the team. Lets go bois! SoonTM1 point
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bring a focus 2 illegal rp and lsrpv can hit fs. illegal rp sucks on gtaw1 point
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OOC NOTE Sureño gangs are not considered sub factions of the Mexican Mafia, we are not responsible for their actions or wrongdoings. We are in continuity with the previous Mexican Mafia factions, any carnal or Mexican Mafia member from any of the previous ones are welcome to participate.1 point
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BLACK HAND The Mexican Mafia (also known as La Eme) is an egalitarian-structured organization, formed in the late 1950’s by Chicano street gang members incarcerated at the Deuel Vocational institution, a state prison located in Tracy, CA. La Eme was initially formed for protection against other inmates. With a set of rules governing its members, La Eme evolved into criminal activities. Most of their criminal activities initially focused on victimizing Black and Caucasian inmates. By the late 1960’s, the California Prison system became aware of La Eme’s criminal activity and broke up the group. Prison officials relocated the members to different prisons, which only helped the group to continue active recruitment of new members. This allowed the gang to take control of the California Prisons. Symbols include a black hand, La Eme (meaning 'the M' in Spanish) and MM (Mexican Mafia). As Eme members paroled to the streets, they were tasked with creating new cells to help facilitate more crime. In addition, paroled members explained the North versus South war occurring in prison to the young street gang members. The youngsters were told that when they did enter the prison system that they should align themselves with the other Sureños. The term Sureño was soon adopted by Hispanic street gang members throughout Southern California. Although some might identify themselves as being a Sureño gang member, the original meaning of the term denotes an umbrella of gangs who fall under the control of the Mexican Mafia. Sureño sets may have conflict with other Sureño gangs on the streets, yet in prison they will bond together for protection under the leadership of the Mexican Mafia. Sureño street gang members often identify with the symbols XIII, X3, 13, and 3-dots (hand to the left). This refers to the 13th letter of the alphabet "M" which stands for Mexican Mafia. The gang identifies with the color blue and the words Sureño, Sur and Southerner. The Mexican Mafia does not have a traditional military style “chain-of-command, instead it has “influential” members. All members vote on decisions affecting the entire gang. If the decision is limited to a particular institution, only those members vote. Each gang member, known as a carnal, has an equal vote. Each Mexican Mafia member has a great deal of autonomy in conducting business. As long as there is no conflict, a carnal is his own boss. He is expected to pay 1/3 of his illicit proceeds to the Mexican Mafia. If a Mexican Mafia member is in a prison or jail facility, he is required to assume control of all Sureños inmates. Sureños are expected to carry out Mexican Mafia orders without question. The Mexican Mafia also maintains working relationships with various other prison gangs and "disruptive groups" such as Aryan Brotherhood, Nazi Low Riders, Peckerwoods, Border Brothers, and Sinaloan Cowboys. For example, Mexican Mafia and Aryan Brotherhood members cooperate in smuggling drugs into Custody facilities and have assisted each other in armed robberies and drug trafficking outside custody facilities. In the 1990’s, the EME expanded its drug distribution operations by ordering an end to drive-by shootings involving Hispanic street gang members and eventually ordering an end to rivalries among Hispanic gangs as well. This allowed the gangs to focus on drug distribution. Subsequently, the Mexican Mafia demanded that all Sureño affiliated gang members pay a tribute of as much as 33 percent of drug distribution profits. Sureño gangs either complied with the order, or they were targeted for killing (given a green light) by the Mexican Mafia. Traditionally, membership is limited to Mexican American males. There is no minimum age. A prospective Eme member must be sponsored by at least three current gang members. Membership usually requires a unanimous vote by gang members throughout the California and federal prison systems. However, because communication among EME members is difficult, the Mexican Mafia in some facilities requires only a unanimous vote among those gang members at the facility. Recruits are selected carefully, as the sponsors are held liable for their prospect's actions. Sometimes, to prove himself worthy of membership, a prospect may be required to commit an act of violence for Mexican Mafia. While it is not a requirement for induction, all Eme members are expected to eventually kill for the clicka. Women are not permitted to join Mexican Mafia. Wives, girlfriends, and other female family members, however, play important roles within the organization because they smuggle contraband, including drugs and weapons, into the prison and provide a means of communication between incarcerated members and members on the street. La Mesa La Mesa is an ad-hoc commission on a general population prison yard made up of Mexican Mafia associates. The table or "La Mesa" has a structure resembling the Mexican Mafia's. It's governed by a panel of Meseros that deliberate and carry out orders for the Mexican Mafia. Meseros do not answer to each other, they only answer to an Emero or carnal (a made member of the Mexican Mafia). They are involved in illegal activities ranging from extortion, murder, prostitution and narcotic distribution. A Mesero is somebody that is on his way to becoming a member of the Mexican Mafia.1 point
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Censorship is one thing. Freedom of speech is another. But the truth you could never remove from your mind.0 points
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