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Hello gang! We've recently announced on Discord that we're allowing a select group of people (Staff, RAGE Insiders, Donators & Early Supporters) to have the first opportunity at accessing the RAGE server tonight from 6PM GMT. This is intended as a thank you to everyone for their support, and particularly our Staff and RAGE Insiders team who've put an incredible amount of work into preparing this next chapter alongside our Development Team. We know everyone is itching to get in, for those who aren't being granted access at the moment, this pre-release window is only going to last a few days in which we can ensure that everything is working as expected before we grant access to the wider community. If you do wish to donate to join, you'll require an active Premium subscription - this is entirely optional as we'll be opening our doors in the coming days. For further information on Premium, head to Premium Central. In the coming days, we will also be releasing a great deal of feature documentation and general guides to ensure everyone's aware of the features available, and how to use them. We will be discussing these new and not-so new features in our soon-to-come announcement regarding the public launch date! For those that join us this evening, please remember that this is a work-in-progress and some minor or niche bugs may have managed to slip under our noses, we ask that you please refer to the following: Bug Reports If you've found any areas you believe can be improved, or would like to create a suggestion for our development team to review: Suggestions Please note; Early Supporters will need to be granted access manually which can only be done if your Discord & UCP are linked, if you haven't been added by the above time - please reach out to be added through our discord ticket bot! The server has also been subject to a weapon & drug wipe, all other assets should remain as they were when you last logged in including properties. If there's any issues or unexpected changes, please reach out for support.

(Credits: Evening with Tenline Gangster Crips. HoodVlogs) The E/S 110th St Rancho Gangster Crips (RGC) & E/S 110th Diez Rancho Gangster Crips (DRGC) emerged during a period of collective harmony among the Rancho community known as the Rancho Stax Concerts. Ray Boyce, an influential individual who instructed 115th St Jamestown Ave of the "Rancho Gardens" Green Jackets Club, who later turned into the Bounty Hunter Rancho Bloods, had this community under his command, including Tyrone Tate, who was the founder and leader of the "Rancho Ave Projects" later known as the Grape St Rancho Crips. Both sides of the Rancho Community Bloods and Crips were together as one, moving as the Green Jackets. Tyrone had a clique named after the neighborhood where he grew up from outside of the Green Jackets, known as the Hickory Crips, before he branched out and made the Grape St Rancho Crips. Eventually, this would end due to the fact that Tookie Williams, the leader of The Crips, initiated his dominance against the Bloods by burning leather jackets belonging to the Blood Gangs. This was a huge form of assuring dominance and disrespect at the Rancho Stax's Concerts that took place at Ranchos Park and the Davis Los Santos Colosseum back in the late 1960s, where all the gangs used to hang out as a unity. In this way, it created what is now known as "taking a rival's rag" before it became rags. The Los Santos Rancho Stax Concerts served as a hangout for recreational activity and to pastime for the Blood and Crip gangs. After Tookie & his Crips made that statement, it sparked a conflict between both sides of the Bloods & Crips, leading to other Crip members forming their own Crip gangs around Los Santos, spreading more than ever. Two shot callers, Marion Hayward & Antonio Gomez, who were raised lifelong best friends and former members of Tyron's Hickory Crips, eventually broke away and formed their own gang. This gang was split into two sides: Blacks & Hispanics. Marion, being African American & Antonio, being Hispanic, this served as the official foundation for the 110th St Rancho Gangster Crips & 110th Diez Rancho Gangster Crips in 1973, which was a spinoff of the Hickory Street Crips and formed directly behind the territory of the Bounty Hunter Rancho Bloods & Grape St Rancho Crips. RGC is the primary part or face of the set, and DRGC is the secondary, making them one. They share a fairly tiny Rancho District neighborhood, both placing a high priority on 110th Street. The E/S 110th Rancho Gangster Crips (RGC) is one of the many gang organizations that are under the Gangster Crip (3x Trays Moving) umbrella or card. In fact, they are the only "G's" Gangster Crips in the Rancho District. The 110th Gangsters are one of the first sets to be put on the Movin Trays 3x Gangster Crips card. Over time, they've shown themselves to be beneficial for it despite initial concerns about their modest size and the hostility they faced being surrounded by all opposition. They started off as the 110th Hustler Rancho Crips before officially turning into the 110th Rancho Gangster Crips. They are a smaller family-oriented gang that has been active since back in the day, but as of now, they have a decent number of members who still push the turf's legacy. RGC is one of the deadliest active dominantly African American street gangs with Hispanic members located in the Southeast Los Santos Rancho District, SCLS. They reside in housing tracks, unlike most Rancho-located hoods, which have project housing called the Gunna Village in Rancho's Wilmont District, right between the Rancho Ave Projects, Jamestown Courts, & The Rancho Gardens. The turf resides from the Village, Dead ends to the Tracks, with this area being notable for its abundance creation of dead ends & alleys. Right near the Rancho Twin Towers from Wilmont Avenue & Grove St, wrapping around Carson Ave. They also reside on E 110th St & Covenant Avenue between Brouge Ave & Roy Lowenstein Blvd, including 108th through 112th Street near the Del Perro E 110 Freeway. Even while being considered to be one of the smallest notorious and violent gangs in the whole of Rancho District, they still hold their own, having strict alliances, making them almost EBK (Everybody Killer). #NBA #NOBRYDSALLOWED #KMS KILLMOESWAYS #F*CKABABYLOC ━ The streets of Good Ol Rancho District have been getting more dangerous over the years. The RGC had an intense beef with their rivals, "Grape St Rancho Crips" & the "Mad Family Swan Bloods" who they have been at it with for over 4 Decades since the early 1990s. On August 18th, 2021 17 Year 17-year-old known affiliate from RGC 109th St named Kentrell "Nina Hectic" Davis was at the RGC local Rancho Wilmmont District store "NJOY Liquor". Right off of 110th & Grove St around 6:34 PM in his turf when he was unknowingly spotted by four rival enemies from The Mad Swan Bloods & Grape St Rancho Crips. They so happened to be spinning or lurking in the area to catch themselves a victim and spotted Hectic. In the car were 3 Mad Family Swan Bloods & 1 Grape St Rancho Crip affiliates ages 21, 19, 18, and 16. Driver 19 Year-Old Darius "Baby EklectricRed" Brooks, passenger 21 Year-Old Ben "Tinky SwanBoy" Carter, 18 Year-Old Damian "ChoppjkaBoy" Hanes, and lastly 16 Year-Old Fredrick "Inkfant RedDevil" Johnson. In the vehicle, only one Swan member and the only Grape St member, "Inkfant RedDevil" & "ChoppjkaBoy", were not only strapped with firearms but were the adolescents' masterminds who saw the Hectic lacking. Remembering him from prior photos and videos being with the RGC, dissing from the internet beef they had prior. The duo brought it to light, introducing the information to their other two affiliates in the car. Without mercy, it was a chance to earn rank and a name, and that's what they did. "In Hectic We Trust, For Hectic We Bust" - 110RGC. Unaware of the circumstances, 17-year-old "Hectic" paid for his goods and started to go home around 110th & Grove St. The four competitors of adults and adolescents who were waiting for Hectic to leave the store started rolling up on him, asking him questions. Inching in the rear seat, a 16-year-old "Inkfant RedDevil" says, "Whoop! Eastside Byrd Gang, Inkfant RedDevil 77th St Swan Bloods! ain't you that tramp nigga from Greedies, right?" Adding on, "ChoppjkaBoy" whispers, "On Ten Tray Baby Loc's that's cuhs on Gee-oo". Replying in fear but bravery, the 17-year-old "Hectic" said, "110th St Crip, Nina Boy Hectic, you know what it is, cuhs." His fear of the circumstance triggers his survival instincts, with Hectic fleeing for his life, dropping his items. At that point, "Inkfant RedDevil", following behind his Grape St counter partner "ChoppjkaBoy", placed a wager. "Inkfant RedDevil" pulled out a Gen4 Glock-17 equipped with a 50 round drum, with ChoppkaBoy following up, brandishing a Gen5 Glock-19 equipped with a 30 stick clip and a red laser beam, bouncing out of the sedan vehicle, chasing Hectic, firing 29 shots in total, killing the youth RGC affiliate "Nina Hectic", leaving him lifeless on 110th Street. Right after the duo hopped back in the sedan and smashed off. The E/S 110th Diez Rancho Gangster Crips (DRGC) is a Hispanic subset of the 110th Rancho Gangster Crips, which divides the hood into two sides, 110th RGCxDRGC, with one half of the Hood being Black and the other Hispanic. Since they live on the same block, they operate as one with the Rancho Gangster Crips. The Diez Rancho Gangster Crips also represent 110th St. They work together as a unit and have been bonded since the 110th Rancho Gangster Crip establishment, and are still close in today's time, so speaking on RGC means speaking of DRGC also. They maintain Black-Brown pride, functioning as a single entity. Being a vivid Image and reminder in the Rancho Wilmmont District or the whole Los Santos that we can be one together, unlike gangs in Vespucci SA, where it’s very racial. All across their set and enemy standing grounds and the Rancho District, Diez Rancho Gangster Crips adolescents engage in activities such as heavy tagging & vandalizing anything in open public view. Outside the passion of tagging, DRGC hobby activities such as smoking, popping pills, drinking liquor, buzz balls, & ballooning with nos cans and whipits. They spread awareness of their frontline activities every day by showcasing them on their social media platforms. They are between the ages of 11 and 24, and the majority are still in middle or high school. However, they do have older homies in their mid-40s and early-50s who still run the neighborhood for future generations of the set. Since they are under the RGC, the DRGC uses the same vernacular lingo as the RGC and uses phrases like "Cuh", "On crip", "Oulalaa", and much more. They also wear the same exact attire as RGC, also prioritizing Royal / Navy Blue & Gray rags, additionally favoring the Detroit Tigers ballcap, "D" representing "Diez". They follow the same beef, wars, and politics as RGC. Once again, in contrast to RGC, who claim both 109th and 110th, DRGC simply claim 110th. The two cliques can be seen together on social media patrolling their territory since they stand for the same thing. The 110th Rancho Gangster Crips celebrate their hood day on 1/10 January 10th once every year, representing 110th street. This is the official birthday of when the hood was made. Doing so by wearing their Bandanas, custom airbrushed Dickies Jumpsuits, Hoodies, & Shirts with RGC-related topics & deceased homies from the turf. Young teenagers who are incredibly irresponsible and will stop at nothing to exhibit the gang lifestyle make up the majority of the subset's members. Additionally, they can be seen filming a number of music videos, interviews, as well as other types of videos on that street and in the Rancho District and surrounding region. Original cliques are known as Dead End (DE), Track Side (TS) & Lou Dillon Boys (LDB 108th-112th). They also push aliases like Dimeblocc, Deadline Crip, Wilmo Boyz, 110th st Blocc Boyz / Line Boyz, RRyda Mafia Line (RML), Young Ruthless Niggas (YRN), Young Nina Demons (YND), Hot Box Gang (HBG), The RRich Rydas (RR), RRyda Locs (RL), RRyda Gang (RG), Only RRydas (OTR). Newer cliques like the Yellow Tape Gang (YTG), GunnasVillage / VillageGunnas (GV), GMG (Gun Man Gang), and more meaningful cliques like The 1900 Hectic Blocc aka HecticGunnas x DirtGang (HB x DG) in honor of past away affiliates. Including a movement known as NoByrdsAllowed (NBA) for the intense beef with the Mad Family Swan Bloods. The 110th Rancho Gangsters Crips have many subsets and cliques within the RGC Gang as a whole. Each subset is based on different sides of their gang turf located in their neighborhood. They don't bang these subsets like it's a different gang outside of the RGC; it's more lingo, vocab, and all RGC at the end of the day. In general, the age groups range from 10-55, including the newer generation and OG's who are mostly involved in the trafficking of weapons and drugs in the Rancho area. Even while members of RGC are known to maneuver a little more deftly these days and try to avoid as much police notice as possible, they still sling on street corners and earn money by whatever means necessary. There is no dominant race among the subset's members, who are African American and Hispanic. They have formed a deep animosity toward the conflicted gangs they beef with, and they share an adversary with the rest of the set. Most of this clique's members are younger and like getting high & faded with other clique members, despite the fact that some of them have a history of violent conduct under the influence. You can catch The 110th Rancho Gangster Crips, wearing professional sports teams' attire to showcase who they are and stand for. They wear Royal Blue, Navy Blue, Red, and Gray Bandanas to represent themselves. Their primary ball cap is the Texas Rangers & Tennessee Titans Cap with the (T) standing for Tenline Gangster Crips & Trackside. Including MLB Teams attire such as The Washington Nationals (W) standing for Watts, Wilmington Ave & Wilmshaw, The Detroit Tigers & Northern Dame's (D) standing for DirtGang, Dimeline, Dimeblocc, Deadline & the Deadend Subset, The Georgetown Hoyas (G) for Trays 3x Gangster Movin Crips & Lastly the Minnesota Twins (TC) logo representing Ten Crip. Exclusive to 110th Rancho Gangster Crip members, they have created their own distinctive lingo. For instance, 'TL.I.P' for the deceased, or 'DeadLocies.' Another example, instead of saying 'Crazy', they'll remix it with 'Trazy', or shouting out 'RGRG! for Ryda Gang!' 'OuuLaLa!' or 'Gway!' when they see each other, greeting one another, or letting their presence be known. Opposition gangs or RGC competitors diss them with the terms "Tramps," "Greedies," & "Tenders". Being taught to show no remorse, to assert their dominance, the RGC leave their mark on public estate walls, rival gangs, & even their own turf walls crossing out letters like "P's" (for All Piru's), "O's & N's" (for all Rollin / Neighborhood Crips) "7's" (for 117th aka 7th St Rancho Crips), "H's" (for Hoova Criminals & Holmes St Rancho Crips), "G's" (for Grape St Rancho) even though RGC is Gangster Crips they only wack "G's"for Grape St Rancho, "B's" (for Mad Swan Bloods and All Bloods), and 'PJ's' (for PJ Rancho Crips). This practice serves as a way to symbolically displace their opposition's presence and leave a mark on the territory of their authority. By doing this on their land and their enemies' land, it symbolically deters their opponents from being respected. The 110th Rancho Gangster Crips routinely post pictures of themselves brandishing firearms on social media, including standard pistols like Glocks & Glocks with switches equipped with Flash Lights, Lasers Beams, Kris Vecs Mags, Extended Clips, or even Drum Mags, or they can be more deadly handguns, like Desert Eagles, FN45/57s, or any handgun you can think of. As well as machine guns, including ARPs, AK47s, Micro Dracos, Tec 9s, Mac 10s, & even Uzis, just anything they can get their hands on, it's serious in the Wilmo. In addition, with the West Coast / Los Santos having their culture of style, they frequently wear Buddha & Beaded Spiritual Necklaces, Ropes, Cuban, Rolex, and Franco chains, as well as Gold Rings, Golden Earrings, and Stolen Cartier and Rolex Watches. These subsets producing dangerous teens include Player Makers, Trained To Go, Vicious, Hotheaded, and Shiesty mentality individuals. The youth of RGC who choose not to pursue a 9–5 career eventually enroll in "Mayling Chilli Generals" programs. As soon as they began developing relationships, self-assurance, and mutual trust. Their common tactic is breaking into homes, aka (Flocking / Boppin For Chilli) or cars to find goods, including jewelry, gold, diamonds, clothes, guns, safes, cash earnings, or even feminine items like pricey purses. Poverty still exists in the Rancho Community region with struggling families. Lacking financial means to purchase ostentatious jewelry & materialistic apparel they want, these individuals frequently share clothes. It's a way of life, and jacking is the way to make a living for them. These days, they are well-known figures on social media who incite their opponents by making fun of fast money from all field work products they've maintained. This demonstrates and displays these young RGC teens, character of how they lace their cleats hopping off the porch head first, risking everything to succeed, having money in their pockets, including risking their freedom and maybe their lives, simply taking risk and taking trips. It's a lot, but hey, it's the hard-facing truth and reality of these teens. In addition to helping the older OG affiliates move narcotic items in the Rancho Wilmmont District, they essentially do everything for a fast profit. Due to their severe love of money and money-making mindset, they constantly make something out of nothing and commit numerous crimes while entering and exiting County Jail and Juvenile Camps. In the Rancho Wilmmont District, you can see 110th St Rancho Gangster Crips tag hit-ups, spray bombs, and vandalize public properties such as tunnels, freeway signs, neighborhoods, or anything else they think is worth marking. The 110th Steeters patrol their block, keeping an eye out for any intruders who would use social media to display themselves in the field. The conflict of beef is heated to an acute extent by their boasting about their music, graffiti, skits, dissing, female drama, and taunting of their adversaries. Younger members continue to earn rank, trying to prove their selves to their gang. Some of the younger affiliates, ages 13-21, are even crash-outs due to this fact. Mid-aged affiliates 24-30 are notorious for being money-grabbing, murderous, and flamboyant, possessing more luxury items like jewelry, cars, clothing, and designer sneakers.

"Profit in the absence of principles".

The Barrios Origins The origins of the 18th street gang can be traced back to Los Santos, San Andreas, during the early 1960s in the Downtown district. The gang was originally made up of immigrants from different Latino countries, which was unusual for that time period. Bigger neighborhoods during that time would usually discriminate against other ethnic groups, choosing only to recruit and admit Mexicans into their ranks. As the small gang of 18th streeters slowly grew they gained the attention of a much bigger gang, Clanton 14. Members of the 18th street gang were actually interested in joining Clanton and making their own clique. However before they were allowed to join the Clanton gang made a demand, the 18th street gang had to get rid of all their non-Mexican members. This decree did not sit well with 18th street membership. The smaller gang rebelled against C14s demands and went to war against them. Establishing themselves as their own neighborhood The Rise of 18th Street Eighteenth Street has become one of the most significant gangs within Los Santos and has spread to numerous locations. Such growth in membership and geographical coverage can be attributed to 18th Street’s open ethnic enrollment of members outside the Latino community, this broadened the appeal for youth to join the gang. The spread of 18th street across Los Santos can be linked to US immigration policies in the 1980s. The mass immigration of people fleeing from civil war in South American led to the gangs recruitment pool increasing in size. These immigrants flocked to the 18th street gang due to the lax recruitment guidelines it had compared to other Hispanic gangs that did not want them,. The gang was one of the few that allowed members of all races and ethnic backgrounds to join. The recruitment of these war refuges led to a sudden increase in the violence committed by the gang. The wave of new recruits were more prone to violence due to the militarized lifestyles they lived in their home countries. These newly gained violent tendencies led to the 18th street gang being able to absorb many smaller gangs and take control of their turf. However, this new found approach to gang banging led to the gang gaining a long list of enemies. Barrio Eighteenth Street vs Mara Salvatrucha One of 18th streets life long enemies is the equally large and infamous Mara Salvatrucha 13. The feud between these two gangs has claimed the lives of hundreds of members from both sides, as well as the lives of many innocent civilians. There are many different stories as to why the war between the two gangs started, many of them becoming somewhat folktales. One story that seems to be the most likely is that one night during a party, members of both gangs got into a dispute over a girl who was seen dancing with a MS13 member after recently breaking up with a reputable 18th street member. The two groups were fighting when shots were fired and a 18th street member was left dead. The two gangs have been involved in a bloody war ever since. The feud has went beyond Los Santos borders as both gangs expanded outside of America, the fighting has now reached new levels in South America. Barrio Eighteenth Street vs The Bloods Up until the early 90s the eighteenth street gang had actually maintained peaceful relations with most black gangs. This allowed them to expand their turf within black neighborhoods. In 1993 the 18th street gang attempted to move into the "Jungles", a black community residing in a maze of apartment buildings in the Chamberlain Hills neighborhood. This led to a dispute between them and the "Black P. Stone" gang over clientele and drug turf in the jungles. The dispute escalated to the point where members of BPS decided to shoot and kill a leader of the Rancho Park clique over the dispute. This led to a series of brazen retaliation shootings by the 18th street gang, members of the gang were shooting at anything black in the Jungles. Due to the jungles being considered a safe haven for bloods, many other blood gangs were dragged into the war on account of their members getting shot by 18th street after being mistake as BPS members. 18th streets main blood adversaries ended up being the Black P Stones, The Rolling Twenty Bloods, and the Westside Brims. 18th Street Tiny Devils The Tiny Devils 18 (TDSXV3) are a clique operating out of the Rancho Park area of South Los Santos, representing a local set under the broader 18th Street identity. Rooted in the culture and symbolism associated with the larger 18th Street movement, Tiny Devils built their name through territorial presence, tight-knit membership, and neighborhood loyalty. In 2015, a new generation emerged from within their ranks known as the Night Stalkers (NTS) a younger clique that carried the legacy forward while establishing its own identity on the streets. The Night Stalkers quickly gained recognition for their active presence and unity, and they remain active today, representing the evolving future of Tiny Devils 18 while holding firm to their roots in Rancho Park.

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SANTANA BLOCK CARSON CRIPS Loyalty Over Everything The Santana Blocc Carson Crips (SBCC), formerly known as the Santana Boys, are a predominantly African-American street gang rooted on the east side of Carson within South Los Santos. The set traces its origins back to the late 1970s, when two small neighborhood crews. the Mid-Town Locs and the Oak Park Boys, operated separately along the Brogue Avenue corridor and surrounding residential blocks. Both groups faced similar struggles growing up in the area, heavy policing, poverty, and constant tension with nearby Blood and Piru-aligned neighborhoods. The idea to unite the two crews came from a respected street figure named Kim “Bullet” Tate, who envisioned bringing both groups together under a single identity to strengthen their numbers and solidify their hold over the neighborhood. Before Tate could fully complete his plan, he was killed in 1978 during a shooting involving rivals from a nearby Piru neighborhood. His death nearly halted the unification effort, but one of his close associates, Kenneth “Turtle” Johnson, stepped forward to carry out Tate’s vision. A former Oak Park Boys member, Johnson successfully merged both crews, officially forming what became known as the Santana Blocc Carson Crips. Under his leadership, the newly unified set quickly established a reputation for their strong territorial control. During the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s, SBCC became heavily involved in ongoing conflicts with several Piru-aligned neighborhoods across South Los Santos. Frequent clashes occurred along major streets surrounding their territory, especially in areas where boundaries overlapped with rival hoods. As their numbers grew, the Santanas developed a reputation as a serious threat to any gang opposing them, regardless of affiliation. Their willingness to defend their turf aggressively made them one of the more feared Crip-aligned sets in the Carson area during that era. In 1989, the set suffered a major loss when Kenneth “Turtle” Johnson was ambushed and killed while traveling outside of his neighborhood. His death remains surrounded by rumors and street speculation, marking a turning point in the gang’s history and leading to a shift in leadership among younger generations. The Santana Blocc Carson Crips territory centers around Brogue Avenue and its surrounding residential streets within the Carson/Davis border region of South Los Santos. Their influence extends through nearby apartment complexes, side streets, and older housing blocks that have served as gathering points for members. Due to tight neighborhood layouts and overlapping borders, their territory frequently collides with rival gang areas, contributing to long-standing tensions. Over the years, SBCC has maintained alliances with several Crip-aligned sets across South Los Santos, primarily due to shared enemies and historical ties, some of these notable hoods are Poccet Hood Carson Crips, Anzac Grape Carson Crips, Kelly Park Carson Crips, Neighborhood Carson Crips, Palmer Blocc Carson Crips, Palm & Oaks Gangster Crips, and many others.. However, they remain in active conflict with multiple Piru and Blood-aligned neighborhoods such as Lueders Park Piru, Elm Street Piru, Mob Piru, Cross Atlantic Piru, Tree Top Piru, Holly Hood Piru, as well as certain rival Crip sets such as South Side Carson Crips, Front Hood Carson Crips, Carver Park Carson Crips, Park Village Carson Crips, Duccy Hood Carson Crips. These rivalries stem from decades-old territorial disputes, and generational conflicts. Tensions with nearby Sureño-affiliated groups have also persisted, largely due to overlapping territories and neighborhood disputes. Modern Era In recent years, both the older and younger generations of the Santana Blocc Carson Crips have been forced to adapt to a rapidly changing environment throughout Carson and the surrounding Davis area. What was once a tight, african-american, working-class neighborhood filled with longtime residents has gradually shifted due to redevelopment, rising housing costs, and increased city investment aimed at “cleaning up” South Los Santos. As new housing projects, renovated apartments, and commercial businesses have moved into the area, many families on Brogue Avenue have been pushed out, relocating further south or into nearby neighborhoods. This shift has had a major impact on the younger members of SBCC. With longtime residents displaced and familiar hangout spots disappearing, many younger Santanas now find themselves operating across a wider area than previous generations. Some have been pushed toward neighboring streets where rival gangs are active, increasing tension and making everyday movement through the city more dangerous than before. For those still involved in the lifestyle, daily life carries constant pressure. Members face not only ongoing threats from rivals but also heavy surveillance from local law enforcement. Frequent patrols, cameras, and targeted enforcement efforts have made traditional street activity much more difficult than in past decades. Younger members grow up aware that incarceration or violence is an ever-present risk, shaping how they move, socialize, and represent their neighborhood. Despite these challenges, SBCC continues to maintain a strong identity within its turf. For many members, the set represents more than street affiliation, older members often emphasize loyalty to the neighborhood’s legacy, while younger members express that same identity through modern outlets such as music, social media, and street fashion. At the same time, these new forms of visibility have introduced new dangers. Online call-outs, disrespect, and social media conflicts often escalate quickly into real-world retaliation, keeping rivalries active even as physical territories shrink. The newer generation of Santana Blocc members now lives in a difficult balance caught between a neighborhood that is steadily changing around them and a long-standing legacy of gang loyalty. Though Carson continues to evolve, the presence of Santana Blocc remains deeply rooted in its streets. While their physical influence may shift over time, their cultural impact, neighborhood ties, and reputation continue to adapt and survive within the ever-changing landscape of South Los Santos.

This faction portrays a realistic depiction of American-Jewish, Orthodox Jewish, and Israeli organized crime, inspired by both historical and modern real-world examples, with a focus on white-collar, financial, and influence-based activity rather than street-level gangs or constant violence. It is centered around a tight-knit ultra-Orthodox Haredi Jewish community based on the West Coast, primarily in Del Perro, reflecting a smaller, localized kehillah rather than a large East Coast enclave. The community is conservative, insular, family-oriented, and deeply structured around religious life and internal trust. We are not tied to any specific Hasidic dynasty, instead leaning toward a general non-Hasidic / yeshivish-style Haredi environment, which is more typical for smaller West Coast communities, although characters may come from varied Orthodox or Jewish backgrounds provided they are portrayed respectfully and with proper research. We are starting small and intentionally loosely organized, allowing the faction to develop naturally through long-term, story-driven roleplay. Early RP will focus on business fronts, community institutions, financial dealings, and subtle influence, with reputation and consequences playing a key role in progression. While the faction includes religious RP, these elements are used for authenticity and context only. Some characters may be Orthodox or observant, while others may be secular or non-religious, and under no circumstances is the intent to stereotype, caricature, or mock Judaism or Jewish culture. We will not accept troll characters, bad-faith portrayals, or offensive stereotypes, and a clear separation between IC actions and OOC beliefs is expected at all times. Joining this faction is entirely roleplay-based, and while a limited number of players already portraying members of the Haredi community in Del Perro may be accepted in the early stages if done properly, the goal is to provide everyone with a fair and organic opportunity to become involved through roleplay. If you are interested in joining, interacting, or collaborating with the faction and are unsure how to portray your character appropriately, feel free to reach out OOC. I am happy to help you develop a concept that fits the faction’s tone and can invite you to our Discord to discuss ideas further.

Wikipedia The Free Encyclopedia Read View source View history Tools Navigation Main page Contents References See also Categories Tools Printable version Permanent link Jewish organized crime in San Andreas Network of organized criminal enterprises associated with Jewish communities in Los Santos and surrounding regions For Jewish organized crime groups in the United States and organized crime groups consisting primarily of Jewish or Jewish Israeli members, see Jewish organized crime and Organized crime in Israel. Jewish organized crime in San Andreas refers to a network of criminal enterprises historically associated with Jewish-American communities in the Los Santos metropolitan area and surrounding regions. Emerging from postwar migration and commercial development, these groups became primarily involved in financial crime, real-estate manipulation, private lending, gambling, and cargo diversion, favoring economic leverage over overt street violence. Law-enforcement agencies and media outlets have commonly referred to these activities under the names Jewish Mob, the Jewish Mafia, the Kosher Mob, the Kosher Mafia, the Yiddish Connection[1], and Kosher Nostra[2][3]—a term modeled after Cosa Nostra. Operations have traditionally relied on family ties, religious institutions, and legitimate business fronts, allowing criminal activity to remain largely insulated from public visibility. Unlike other organized crime groups in the state, Jewish criminal networks are noted for their decentralized structure, emphasis on professional services such as accounting and legal mediation, and close integration with Orthodox communal life. Contents 1 Origins 2 History 2.1 Late 19th century to early 20th century 2.2 Interwar period and early consolidation (1920s–1940s) 2.3 Postwar expansion (1940s–1950s) 2.4 Second-generation leadership and territorial growth (1960s–1970s) 2.5 Shift toward finance and real estate (1980s–1990s) 2.6 Modernization and diversification (2000s) 3 Late 20th century to present 4 Orthodox and Israeli-linked networks 5 Notable members and associates 6 References 7 See also Jewish organized crime in San Andreas Surveillance still obstained during a multi-agency inquiry into alleged fraud within a West Coast Jewish business network, c. 1993. Several individuals pictured were later charged in connection with structured loan operations and the misuse of nonprofit funds. Location San Andreas (primarily Los Santos) Activities Financial crime, private lending, real estate, gambling, cargo diversion Structure Decentralized, family-linked networks Common names Kosher Mob; Kosher Nostra; “Yiddish Connection”[1] Years active Late 19th century–present Origins Postcard illustration of the Port of Los Santos, early 20th century Jewish organized crime in San Andreas traces its roots to mid-20th-century Jewish migration to the West Coast, particularly among families engaged in garment manufacturing, import-export, and small retail. Early settlements concentrated around industrial corridors and port-adjacent districts of Los Santos, where warehouses and shipping firms provided both legitimate opportunity and informal avenues for coercive business practices. Historical accounts link the early organizational culture of San Andreas networks to East Coast and Las Venturas–based Jewish criminal traditions influenced by figures associated with Bugsy Hosschild, whose westward expansion of Jewish underworld activity in the 1930s and 1940s established models for blending legitimate investment with coordinated racketeering. Several founding families in San Andreas are documented as having indirect professional connections to Hosschild-era construction financing and hospitality ventures. By the late 1950s and early 1960s, second-generation operators began consolidating capital through commercial property acquisition and private lending, laying the groundwork for more formalized criminal cooperation. History Late 19th century to early 20th century Large waves of Jewish immigration from Eastern Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries led to produce tightly knit communities in the developing commercial districts of Los Santos. Many newcomers entered garment work, small retail, wholesale trade, and port-related industries, while others gravitated toward informal economies centered on protection, debt enforcement, and labor mediation. By the early 1900s, localized Jewish street gangs had emerged in working-class neighborhoods near industrial corridors and shipping yards. These early groups often competed with Asian- and African-American dominated crews for control over extortion rackets and supply routes, while also cooperating when mutual profit required it. As in other American cities, criminal subcultures developed alongside immigrant poverty and social exclusion. Contemporary accounts describe a progression in which young men moved from petty theft and store extortion into organized strong-arm work, eventually forming structured crews involved in gambling, labor intimidation, and wholesale fraud. A distinct underworld vocabulary drawing from Yiddish emerged during this period, reinforcing internal identity and secrecy. Although press coverage at the time suggested a disproportionate “crime wave,” later demographic analyses indicated that Jewish residents of Los Santos were arrested at rates well below the citywide average, despite forming a substantial share of the urban population. Interwar period and early consolidation (1920s–1940s) Bugsy Hosschild in 1941 During the interwar years, Jewish criminal networks increasingly shifted from street-level activity toward business-oriented rackets. Labor mediation, cargo interference, and construction financing became central revenue sources, particularly in warehouse districts and expanding commercial zones. Organizational culture in San Andreas was influenced by East Coast Jewish criminal traditions and by westward expansion models associated with figures connected to Bugsy Hosschild, whose blending of legitimate investment with coordinated underworld activity provided a template for emerging West Coast operations. Several early San Andreas operators are documented as having indirect professional ties to Hosschild-era hospitality and development ventures. By the late 1930s, Jewish crime groups in Los Santos had begun investing heavily in real estate, trucking firms, and entertainment-related businesses. These enterprises served both as profit centers and as mechanisms for laundering proceeds from gambling and labor racketeering. Postwar expansion (1940s–1950s) World War II and the postwar economic boom accelerated Jewish migration to San Andreas. Returning veterans and displaced families settled in port-adjacent and industrial districts, where garment factories, import-export firms, and small commercial enterprises flourished. During this period, informal enforcement evolved into structured private lending, contract manipulation, and warehouse diversion. Crews coordinated across multiple neighborhoods, using logistics companies and storage facilities to facilitate theft and resale while maintaining outwardly legitimate operations. The 1950s marked a decisive phase of consolidation. Second-generation Jewish-Americans increasingly assumed leadership of family enterprises, introducing greater financial discipline and long-term planning. Commercial property acquisition became a primary strategy, with undervalued buildings purchased through shell corporations and converted into cash-intensive storefronts. Rather than forming a single centralized syndicate, Jewish organized crime developed as a loose federation of interconnected families bound by marriage, synagogue affiliation, and shared financial services. Second-generation leadership and territorial growth (1960s–1970s) By the 1960s, activity had become concentrated in Textile City and La Mesa, where garment distribution centers, trucking firms, and warehouse leases provided opportunities for kickbacks, inflated contracts, and supply-chain control. Leadership structures remained decentralized, but coordination increased through trusted accountants and legal intermediaries. Disputes were commonly resolved through elder mediation or financial pressure rather than public violence. During the 1970s, networks expanded into Strawberry and Davis, acquiring retail strips and light industrial properties. These locations were repurposed into laundromats, wholesalers, storage facilities, and small markets, forming the backbone of laundering operations and unregulated credit systems. This era also saw the emergence of designated enforcement personnel responsible for collections and protection, while senior figures insulated themselves from direct exposure by operating through layers of intermediaries. Shift toward finance and real estate (1980s–1990s) “By the 1990s, operations had become highly professionalized: centralized bookkeeping, legal arbitration, and compartmentalized risk became standard practice.” — Marcus L. Harrow, Structures of Power (San Andreas: Halbert Press 2003), 214. The 1980s marked a transition toward property-driven criminal activity. Jewish crime groups increasingly focused on commercial real estate, private lending, and leveraged buyouts, using complex corporate structures to obscure ownership. High-interest loans were extended to struggling business owners, frequently followed by forced asset transfers when debts could not be repaid. Syndicate-affiliated companies gained control over apartment blocks, retail corridors, and industrial parks, particularly in mixed-use areas of Los Santos. By the 1990s, operations had become highly professionalized. Centralized bookkeeping, legal arbitration, and the use of external associates for higher-risk activity became standard. Leadership figures typically maintained public identities as legitimate entrepreneurs and community benefactors. Modernization and diversification (2000s) The early 2000s brought further modernization. Influence expanded into Del Perro and Vespucci, where beachfront cafés, gyms, and property management firms served as fronts for gambling revenue, loan-sharking, and investment laundering. Groups diversified into vehicle trafficking, warehouse fraud, and contracted business “security” services. Expansion was pursued primarily through debt acquisition, coercive lease renegotiation, and strategic partnerships rather than territorial confrontation. Internal governance increasingly relied on structured arbitration modeled after religious proceedings, allowing conflicts to be resolved discreetly while reinforcing hierarchy. Late 20th century to present In the contemporary period, Jewish organized crime in San Andreas is regarded as one of the state’s most financially sophisticated criminal ecosystems. Activities are centered on underground gambling, private lending, commercial real-estate speculation, cargo diversion, high-value vehicle trafficking, and consulting or protection services for affiliated businesses. In 2004, a multi-agency investigation known internally as Operation Cedar Ledger targeted several garment wholesalers and trucking firms in Textile City suspected of facilitating cargo diversion and invoice fraud. Although dozens of businesses were audited and multiple arrests were made, prosecutors later acknowledged difficulty securing convictions against senior figures due to layered ownership structures and extensive use of legal intermediaries. Senior figures typically reside in affluent residential areas, while operational activity remains embedded in commercial districts and industrial zones. Religious observance continues to play a central role, with participants commonly expected to observe Shabbat, maintain kosher households, and consult rabbinical authorities on major internal matters. In 2016, federal authorities dismantled a Los Santos–based extortion ring operating within ultra-Orthodox divorce mediation circles, in which several individuals were charged with kidnapping and coercion related to religious divorce proceedings. Prosecutors described the group as a “highly organized criminal enterprise utilizing religious authority as leverage,” drawing national attention to the intersection of organized crime and insular community structures. By the early 2020s, investigators observed a renewed emphasis on digital finance, cryptocurrency laundering, and online sports betting platforms, marking a further evolution away from traditional cash-based operations. Ultra-Orthodox and Israeli-linked networks By the late 1990s, Jewish organized crime in San Andreas increasingly consolidated around ultra-Orthodox communal structures while simultaneously developing transnational connections, particularly with criminal figures and financial intermediaries based in Israel. This period marked a shift away from loosely affiliated, secular business crews toward more insular networks rooted in religious communities, family lineage, and synagogue-based social circles. Law-enforcement assessments from the early 2000s described the emergence of what investigators termed an “Orthodox–Israeli corridor,” in which Los Santos–based operators coordinated property acquisitions, private lending, and offshore capital movement with counterparts abroad. These arrangements were facilitated through charitable foundations, religious study exchanges, and dual-citizenship travel, allowing funds and personnel to move with limited scrutiny. Religious observance played a central organizational role. Members were commonly expected to maintain kosher households, observe Shabbat, and defer major internal conflicts to elder councils modeled after rabbinical courts. These mechanisms provided both discipline and insulation from external law enforcement, as disputes were settled privately without recourse to civil courts. Notable members and associates Further information: Jewish American gangsters and List of Jewish American mobsters Eli Berman, Odessa-born financier and early Los Santos crime figure active in Textile City, Strawberry, and Vespucci; credited with pioneering garment-sector racketeering and warehouse diversion networks during the 1970s. Aaron “Red” Bernstein, founder of the Bernstein Group, a Del Perro–based gambling and private lending operation with documented ties to multiple Orthodox-aligned crews across southern San Andreas. Samuel Bioff, entertainment-industry fixer and labor intermediary operating between Downtown Vinewood and the Port of Los Santos; later linked to union intimidation and venue protection schemes. Charles Birgerstein, Prohibition-era bootlegging coordinator whose operations extended from Sandy Shores into Los Santos wholesale markets; later transitioned into real-estate speculation. Shimon Birns, Hungarian-born extortionist and loan shark active in Davis and La Mesa, noted for maintaining cooperative relationships with Italian-American syndicates and Eastern European crews. Isaac “Kid Kahn” Blumen, Romanian Jewish immigrant and early enforcement figure for the Blumen Organization, a multi-state gambling and vehicle export network operating out of Los Santos International Docks. Levi Buchalter, financial coordinator associated with contract enforcement crews during the 1980s; later implicated in multiple warehouse fraud investigations. References “Yiddish Connection” (term used in regional media for Jewish racketeering networks in Los Santos).(Fictional reference.) “Kosher Nostra” (nickname modeled after Cosa Nostra). San Andreas Investigative Review. “Kosher Nostra: Finance-led rackets in the Los Santos metro.” Port Authority Bulletin. See also Organized crime in San Andreas Los Santos metropolitan area Jewish organized crime Organized crime in Israel Categories: Organized crime in San Andreas | Crime in Los Santos | Jewish-American history (San Andreas)