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The Valenti crime family, also known as the Los Santos crime family, is an Italian-American organized crime group that has operated primarily in the state of San Andreas, with its historical base of operations in Los Santos. The organization emerged from an East Coast–affiliated Mafia migration in the late 1980s and adopted many of the customs, hierarchy, and operational norms associated with American La Cosa Nostra. For several decades, the Valenti family was regarded by law enforcement as the dominant Mafia syndicate on the West Coast, exercising influence across illicit markets and, at its height, maintaining leverage within certain legitimate industries through corruption, intimidation, and control of contracting and labor pipelines. Its power reached its peak under the leadership of longtime boss Santino “The Butcher” Valenti, before entering a prolonged decline beginning in the early 2010s driven by sustained federal prosecutions under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), waves of informant cooperation, internal leadership collapse, and competition from newer and less structured criminal groups such as the Bellantonio crime family. By the mid-2020s, investigators widely described the Valentis as severely diminished and fragmented, though some analysts continued to argue that remnants of the network persisted, operating through insulated cells rather than a visible centralized hierarchy. Origins and East Coast migration The origins of the Valenti crime family are generally traced to 1987, when a small Genovese-linked crew relocated from New York to Los Santos with the approval of the East Coast hierarchy. The move was reportedly sanctioned as a strategic expansion into a comparatively underdeveloped territory for traditional Mafia rackets, particularly those reliant on cash flow, enforcement capacity, and the ability to penetrate small businesses with limited initial attention from major task forces. Early operations centered on sports betting, loan sharking, and illegal pornography distribution, activities that generated steady revenue while providing avenues for extortion and laundering. The crew’s rapid success encouraged further migration, and by 1992 more mafiosi had shifted operations to Los Santos. The expansion began to create unease within the Genovese orbit, where senior figures reportedly viewed the West Coast outpost as increasingly autonomous, and it also drew the ire of the Petrulli crime family, a long-established Los Santos organization that had dominated the city’s underworld since the 1930s. Tensions escalated throughout 1992 and 1993 as both sides competed for gambling routes, loansharking territories, and protection rackets tied to neighborhood businesses. In October 1993, gunmen opened fire on a grocery store in East Los Santos, killing one individual and injuring another. The survivor was later identified by authorities as Santino Valenti. The shooting ignited a bloody Mafia war that lasted roughly two years and resulted in at least 23 mob-related deaths, according to law enforcement estimates. The war is widely regarded as the event that reintroduced large-scale organized crime violence to San Andreas after a period of relative quiet and established Valenti’s faction as the city’s new dominant Mafia force. The Butcher’s reign (1993–2011) From 1993 to 2011, the family entered its defining era under Santino “The Butcher” Valenti. Under Valenti, the organization expanded aggressively across San Andreas and developed a reputation for both financial sophistication and strategic violence. Investigators attributed to the family a diversified criminal portfolio including racketeering, extortion, construction kickbacks, bid rigging, illegal gambling, loansharking, and large-scale money laundering. The organization’s influence was believed to extend into legitimate sectors through controlled contracting pipelines, bribery of gatekeepers, and the cultivation of intermediaries who insulated senior decision-makers. Valenti’s administration was commonly described as modeled on East Coast tradition in structure, but his relationship with the Genovese crime family deteriorated significantly during his rise and reign. Underworld accounts described the Valentis’ West Coast independence as a continuing point of friction, with Santino Valenti resisting outside direction and viewing East Coast oversight as a threat to his autonomy and earnings. By the late 1990s and early 2000s, Santino Valenti was often described as operating in open defiance of Genovese influence. Mafia traditionalists in New York reportedly viewed Valenti as a boss who had benefited from East Coast legitimacy and then severed practical obligations once he consolidated power. The relationship was further strained by Valenti’s aggressive expansion, his alleged willingness to absorb or neutralize rival crews without Commission-style diplomacy, and his reputation for cultivating an underworld celebrity profile that New York bosses considered unnecessary attention. As a result, while the Valenti family was still regarded as part of the broader Cosa Nostra world, it was frequently treated as an outsider organization that could not be relied upon to follow East Coast norms. Despite efforts to remain discreet, the family’s wealth became increasingly visible. Court records and investigative accounts later described a conspicuous lifestyle associated with Valenti and his inner circle, including luxury properties held through nominees and shell companies, high-end vehicles, and memberships in exclusive clubs. Federal scrutiny intensified throughout the 2000s. Although Valenti was acquitted of a high-profile murder charge in 2008 involving the death of his former friend and reputed underboss Paul Nunziatta, investigators continued building broader racketeering cases. On May 29, 2011, Valenti was convicted of racketeering and conspiracy, marking the end of nearly three decades of dominance and triggering a succession crisis that would define the next decade. Though eligible for parole in 2036, his imprisonment removed the family’s central stabilizing figure, and the organization’s leadership structure began to fracture. Infighting and indictments (2011–2014) The years immediately following Valenti’s conviction were characterized by rapid turnover at the top, internal factionalism, and heightened vulnerability to federal prosecutions. Underworld and law enforcement sources commonly identified Anthony Solari as the first successor to assume day-to-day control after the Butcher’s removal. Solari’s administration was described as an interim attempt to maintain continuity with Valenti-era discipline while the organization adjusted to the loss of its patriarch and assessed legal exposure. His tenure was brief and marked by mounting federal pressure, as investigators intensified surveillance and pursued secondary prosecutions aimed at collapsing the remaining hierarchy. Following Solari, Joey “Buddha” Panzarino, a street boss and former captain associated with the Tony’s Liquor crew, was believed to have assumed control of day-to-day activities as acting boss, only to later face a RICO conviction. Leadership then shifted to Anthony Corsaro, whose administration initially brought a measure of stability and relied heavily on seasoned figures from Valenti’s inner circle, including Gino “Gigi” Giordano, Ray Avena, and Paul “Duke” Carducci. In late 2012, the family’s fragile equilibrium collapsed when Corsaro and Carducci disappeared under suspicious circumstances. Their disappearance created a vacuum and fueled speculation of internal purges and retaliatory violence. Vincent “Bulldog” Malacci, widely described as Valenti’s former driver and bodyguard, assumed control of the family for a short period before he also vanished. As scrutiny mounted, out-of-state branches in Florida, San Diego, and San Fierro attempted to influence succession, complicating leadership legitimacy. Florida-based captain Stephen Cersani was installed as boss, but his reign ended abruptly amid another damaging series of indictments. Informant cooperation proved especially devastating. Lucas Santora and Frank Nappi, both deeply embedded in Valenti operations, testified in major Mafia trials that exposed internal structure and revenue channels, eroding the secrecy culture the organization had inherited from its East Coast lineage. Underworld rumor frequently held that Samuel “Sammy the Beak” Beccarini, Valenti’s longtime consigliere, served as a de facto leader behind the scenes, using rotating figureheads as buffers. Beccarini later faced arrest and imprisonment, further destabilizing the family. The year 2014 marked the end of the immediate post-Butcher succession scramble and the beginning of a more chaotic transitional phase in which would-be reformers attempted to seize power. On January 1, 2014, Nicholas Diopare, a former Valenti captain known as “the Apache,” was murdered in a brazen daylight shooting that media outlets dubbed the “New Year’s Day Massacre.” Diopare had been one of the more visible internal contenders to restore structure after the wave of disappearances, and his killing was widely interpreted as a message that the boss seat remained contested and dangerous. Underworld accounts frequently attributed the killing to rival faction maneuvering, with particular suspicion falling on Oakland-based soldier Anthony Sutera, though no charges were filed and the case remained unresolved. Rise of the Bellantonio family (2014–2018) In the aftermath of Diopare’s murder and continuing fragmentation, the Valenti family’s instability created space for younger criminals less committed to traditional Mafia norms. Michael “The Snake” Sarino and Joseph Bellantonio formed a renegade crew that evolved into the Bellantonio crime family. Traditional mobsters derided the group as “Mickey Mouse gangsters,” emphasizing their perceived recklessness, looser recruitment standards, and street gang–like volatility. Despite this reputation, the Bellantonios grew rapidly and became the most visible organized crime force in East Los Santos by the mid-2010s. Sarino was widely rumored to have previously worked as a driver for Anthony Sutera and was later linked by law enforcement intelligence to multiple killings, including the murders of Sutera and Sarino’s mentor, captain Patrick Durante, earning him the nickname “The Snake.” In 2016, Sarino was shot and killed by his own associates, but the organization’s expansion continued under Joseph Bellantonio. By the late 2010s, the Bellantonio family had eclipsed the Valentis in street-level dominance, forcing the remnants of the Valenti organization into retreat or quiet adaptation. Resurgence attempts and the Valenti–Bellantonio war (2015–2021) Multiple efforts were made to revive the Valenti family between 2015 and 2019. A coordinated resurgence effort emerged in 2015 under Frank Carna, a figure linked to the San Diego-based Lorenzo Valenti crew. Carna sought to broker alliances among rival factions and position himself as a peacemaker in the turbulent Los Santos underworld, reportedly forming a short-lived ruling panel with Robert Luppino and Joseph Bellantonio. The alliance collapsed after Carna died in a car accident while traveling back East, triggering renewed fragmentation. A more credible revival appeared to coincide with the prison releases of Samuel “Sammy the Beak” Beccarini in 2018 and Donald “Ducks” Rigazzi in 2019. In the same period, tensions with the Bellantonio crime family escalated into a sustained turf war that drew national attention and produced numerous killings and disappearances. The conflict was widely portrayed as a clash between a weakened traditional family struggling to reclaim its footing and a newer rival whose culture was defined by volatility and street-level aggression. Bonanno involvement and Commission standing (2019–present) The Valenti crime family’s standing with the New York Mafia Commission has historically been described as peripheral and conditional, shaped by its West Coast geography and its uneven relationships with East Coast families. During Santino Valenti’s reign, the family’s poor relationship with the Genovese crime family placed it at a disadvantage within traditional Commission politics. Underworld accounts described Valenti as resistant to outside direction, and the family was frequently viewed in New York circles as independent to the point of liability. As a result, Commission interest in Los Santos was often framed less as stewardship of the Valentis and more as occasional intervention to prevent instability from becoming a national law-enforcement problem. Bonanno involvement did not become a significant factor until 2019, when the Valenti–Bellantonio war threatened to spiral into an uncontrolled cycle of retaliatory violence. Underworld reporting described the arrival of Joseph “The Barber” Uttaro, a reputed Bonanno caporegime and Commission-linked intermediary, as a turning point. Uttaro’s role was commonly characterized as that of an outside stabilizer tasked with forcing a settlement that would reduce killings, limit collateral attention, and impose a functional separation of rackets to prevent future escalation. The peace that followed was frequently described as a Commission-friendly outcome, not because it restored Valenti dominance, but because it created a workable ceasefire in a region that had become increasingly visible. The settlement was later regarded as one of the first instances in years where the West Coast conflict was contained through a traditional Cosa Nostra-style mediation rather than spiraling into prolonged factional warfare. Modern decline and the Grumo administration (2020–2024) By the early 2020s, the Valenti family increasingly appeared to prioritize survival and insulation over expansion. A key transitional figure was Paul Grumo (1966–2024), a Tampa-born administrator who rose to become acting boss during the family’s fragile rebuilding period. Grumo was described as markedly different from Santino Valenti in style, favoring low visibility, internal consolidation, and the careful reconstruction of revenue channels disrupted by prior indictments and defections. Under his stewardship, the organization reduced overt violence and shifted toward quieter forms of money movement and influence, while attempting to preserve enough cohesion to prevent splintering. Grumo’s administration was often characterized as a containment strategy. Rather than attempting to reclaim the sweeping territorial dominance of the Butcher era, the family narrowed its exposure by limiting who had access to sensitive information, reducing the number of direct touch points between senior figures and street-level operations, and leaning more heavily on intermediaries and trusted earners. This approach was reinforced by the realities of the post-2019 environment, in which the family had already endured a public war, growing surveillance, and a shrinking recruitment pool. Underworld accounts frequently described Grumo as an internal mediator who prioritized predictability, internal discipline, and the avoidance of flashy conduct that could create investigative leverage. In 2021, the family suffered a major disruption when a federal investigation triggered by the disappearance of soldier Arnold Brigone uncovered a sophisticated state-wide money laundering network orchestrated by captain Lucas “Pags” Pagano. Investigators described the operation as one of the most ambitious financial schemes ever attributed to the Los Santos Mafia. The laundering network reportedly relied on shell corporations and legitimate fronts such as farms, service firms, and agricultural wholesalers, converting illicit proceeds into seemingly lawful revenue while also evading taxes through layered bookkeeping and controlled disbursements. The resulting indictments named Pagano, Grumo, Rudolph Guercini, and Carmine “Baggs” Baggalia among the high-ranking figures, and law enforcement widely described the case as the most damaging blow to the family since Santino Valenti’s imprisonment. The case not only removed key earners and administrators but also forced the family to reassess how it moved money, how it compartmentalized decision-making, and how it insulated leadership from financial tracing. Transition to the Dippolitos (2024–present) In 2024, Paul Grumo died suddenly, with underworld accounts and investigators commonly attributing the death to an apparent heart attack. His death created another leadership vacuum at a moment when the organization’s senior ranks had already been depleted by indictments and violence. The transition that followed was widely described as the final major structural reorientation of the Valenti crime family in the post-Butcher era. Rather than elevating another short-lived figurehead, the family consolidated authority within a small leadership nucleus associated with William and Michael Dippolito. The shift represented a movement away from a single stabilizing administrator toward a dual-track model in which revenue control, enforcement credibility, and internal arbitration were coordinated through a tightly managed inner circle. By the time Grumo died, underworld observers argued that the Dippolitos had already become essential to the family’s stability in practice. William was commonly described as the figure most capable of preventing fragmentation because of his calm reputation, his ability to conduct sitdowns without provoking challenges, and his role as an allocator of rackets in an era when fewer rackets remained worth fighting over. Michael was commonly described as the operational counterpart, valued for his control of earners, his ability to enforce compliance quietly, and his role in sustaining low-exposure revenue streams that could survive the post-2021 investigative environment. The transition also marked a clearer articulation of the family’s modern operating philosophy. Under the Dippolitos, authority was maintained through tight compartmentalization, a reduced leadership footprint, and the use of buffers to separate senior figures from street activity. Disputes were increasingly handled through private sitdowns, and violence was treated as a last resort due to the legal exposure it created. The family’s day-to-day functioning was frequently described as performance-based, with influence tied to who could produce revenue, keep their people out of headlines, and preserve internal order without creating investigative openings. In this period, the Bonanno channel that had emerged during the 2019 war was increasingly described as beneficial to the new Valenti leadership nucleus. Under this view, Bonanno-linked relationships provided a form of external credibility at a moment when the Valentis had suffered repeated leadership collapses, indictments, and informant damage. Rather than granting formal recognition or direct oversight, the Bonanno connection was seen as providing practical support through structured dispute resolution, the maintenance of non-interference agreements with rival groups, and selective introductions that allowed the Valentis to remain connected to broader Cosa Nostra business norms even as their domestic footprint shrank. Sicilian Mafia ties and the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina In the modern era, investigators and underworld sources increasingly attributed portions of Valenti narcotics and money-movement activity to transnational relationships with Italian organized crime groups, particularly Calabrian ’Ndrangheta networks and Sicilian-linked intermediaries. These relationships were most often described as pragmatic business arrangements rather than formal alliances, structured to give the Valentis access to wholesale supply while providing Italian counterparts with distribution reach and laundering opportunities in San Andreas. A key nexus in these accounts was the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina, a Calabrian ’Ndrangheta clan reportedly involved in international cocaine trafficking. Underworld reporting described the ’Ndrina as operating through a web of intermediaries that sometimes included Sicilian-connected facilitators who could broker introductions, resolve disputes, and guarantee credibility between groups that otherwise did not share direct organizational lineage. In this framework, Sicilian ties were less commonly portrayed as command relationships and more often as connective tissue, with respected intermediaries vouching for participants, establishing terms, and ensuring transactional compliance around debt, delivery schedules, and retaliation protocols. The Valenti family’s strongest reported connection to the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina was said to have flowed through networks linked to Michael Dippolito and his associate Giannis Savas, who allegedly facilitated shipments routed through Las Venturas and rural Bone County. These channels were described as using desert landing strips and logistics corridors disguised as agricultural transport, allowing product to enter San Andreas with reduced exposure. Analysts framed this relationship as part of a broader Mafia economic shift in which weakened domestic La Cosa Nostra groups increasingly relied on external suppliers with stronger upstream control. In this model, the Valentis’ value was local distribution capacity, debt enforcement, and laundering expertise, while the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina’s value was access to international supply and a disciplined trafficking infrastructure. Sicilian intermediaries, where referenced, were typically described as transactional brokers who bridged cultural and operational differences between American crews and Italian counterparts and helped maintain trust without direct, high-risk contact between leadership figures. Current status By the mid-2020s, the Valenti crime family was widely assessed as severely diminished and fragmented, operating at a small fraction of its former size. Unlike the Butcher era, when the organization was believed to maintain clear command authority over crews and territories, the modern Valentis were described as a loose constellation of aging members, long-time associates, and semi-independent crews bound more by personal history than by an enforceable centralized hierarchy. Law enforcement officials often noted that defining the family’s contemporary structure was difficult because remaining members appeared to have adopted increased compartmentalization, reduced communications, and greater reliance on buffers to avoid surveillance and conspiracy exposure. Geographically, remnants were thought to persist in Los Santos and older outposts such as San Diego, San Fierro, and Florida, with occasional corridors extending toward Las Venturas. Rather than controlling territory through visible street power, the family was described as operating through selective influence, quiet loansharking, discreet money movement, and laundering arrangements tied to legitimate businesses. Some accounts suggested that surviving Valenti-connected figures increasingly relied on non-Italian intermediaries who served as practical shields, allowing older mafiosi to reduce direct exposure while still benefiting from revenue streams. The aftermath of the 2021 Pagano laundering case continued to shape operations, with analysts arguing that the organization shifted toward smaller transactions, less centralized cash pooling, and cautious legitimate mixing designed to reduce the risk of another sweeping financial indictment. Investigators remained divided on whether the Valenti crime family still functioned as a coherent family or had become a collection of residual relationships operating under an old name. One view held that the organization was effectively defunct, with most senior figures dead, imprisoned, missing, or retired. Another argued that the Valentis had evolved into a quieter formation, operating through insulated cells and legitimate business entanglements, with fewer members but a higher degree of caution and adaptability. What was broadly agreed upon was that the modern Valenti organization bore little resemblance to the syndicate that once dominated Los Santos under Santino Valenti, and its decline was commonly framed as part of a broader West Coast pattern in which traditional Mafia structures were eroded by RICO enforcement, demographic shifts, competition from agile criminal enterprises, and the increasing sophistication of financial surveillance. Out of Character Information Established in 2007, the Valenti crime family is renowned for providing the most authentic portrayal of the American Cosa Nostra on the West Coast. Our commitment to realism is evident in our structure, activities, behavior, long-standing characters and intricate storylines. The Valenti crime family's role-play standards are exceptionally high, and as such, recruitment and progression is handled strictly in-character in a realistic manner. Our faction operates with a character-first and realism-focused mindset, leading to organic, well-paced development and highly immersive role-play. Only those with unwavering commitment, quality role-play abilities, and a mindset focused on character development should attempt to join. If your main goal is to climb the ranks, accumulate riches or anything other than engage in realistic role-play, this faction is not for you. Those interested in joining should focus on developing a multi-dimensional character who adds to the realism of our setting. Characters of all backgrounds and ethnicities are welcome, provided their association with the organization is realistic. Ensure your name is authentic, such as John Romano or John Morello, and avoid unrealistic names like John Galloscianino or John Morrelo. Authenticity is paramount, and we will require a name change if this criterion is not met. Aspiring recruits are advised to develop a criminal MO for their character or find another way for their character to become an asset and/or vulnerable to our characters in some manner as a pathway to joining. The Valenti crime family's leadership reserves the right to authorize a character kill on those who work for the organization for any reason deemed fit. Feel free to post any questions or comments about the Valenti crime family in this thread. Any complaints should be handled through private messages. Only those with permission from an inductee may post screenshots on this thread. Those interested in interacting with us are welcome to join our public Discord channel (link below) where we provide notifications for upcoming business openings. https://discord.gg/2kdpkDvxbp

Circa 1989 Death Blow Of The El Rukns This Was An 8 State Raid Carried Out By The ATF and FBI Orgins Of The EL RUKN TRIBE The Five-Percent Nation of Islam often uses religious protection as a shield, but its true focus appears to be the pursuit of wealth and power. Also referred to as the Gods, the New Nation of Islam, and by other names, this group functions as a loosely connected organization that frequently clashes with internal factions rather than rival gangs. Its origins trace back to the early 1930s, emerging from the early stages of what later became known as the Black Muslim movement in the 1960s and is now called the Nation of Islam. One of the Nation’s well-known beliefs is the portrayal of the White man as a blue-eyed devil, while a lesser-known teaching is the idea that the Black man is god. The article offers an in-depth look at the Five-Percenters, detailing the key figures involved over time, examining their recent activities, criminal behavior, symbols, the role of women in the group, and exploring the debate over whether it constitutes a religion or a cult. By 1966, members of The Five Percent Nation had already established a role in multiple Illinois state prisons. The coalition grew in numbers by gathering anyone who believed in Islam and was willing to learn the teachings of the gang's rules and guidelines. The teachings of the Nation of Gods and Earths are passed on through a modern oral tradition. The advancement of a God or Earth is based on his or her memorization, recitation, comprehension, and practical application of the Supreme Mathematics and the Supreme Alphabet, and also the 120 Lessons, sometimes referred to as degrees, a revised version of the Supreme Wisdom lessons of the NOI, originally written by Wallace Fard Muhammad and Elijah Muhammad. The gang carried out a series of attacks on different gangs throughout the years. Most conflicts between them and other gangs come from converting members who were non-believers into believers in Islam. In 1976, the Five Percent Nation converted Black P Stone Ranger co-founder Jeff Fort, also known as Chief Malik, into a Muslim and a believer of Islam. He then came home and converted members of the Stones into a new and more militant improved faction called the El Rukn Tribe of Moorish Science Temple of America. It was in 1969 when a young T. Rodgers formed the Black P Stones in Los Santos with the approval of the Original 21. Initially, it was a community-based organization operating in the South Central area of Los Santos, near Crenshaw Blvd. In the book Uprising by Yusuf Jah and Sister Shah’Keyah, Chapter 9 includes an interview with T. Rodgers that provides information about the history of the Black Stones in Los Santos. T. Rodgers discusses the organization that existed during the early 1970s and some of the community work and activities with which they were involved. Since then, T. Rodgers has appeared on several television programs and movies on the topic of gangs, including Colors as Dr. Feelgood, and he was a participant in the 1989 ABC Special on Gangs hosted by Tom Brokaw. He is also featured in the F.E.D.S. Magazine DVD, where he gives an interview from the Jungles, discussing the early days of LS gangs. He was also featured in an American Drug War, a film about how the U.S. government has contributed to the drug problem in America. In 1983, Jeff Fort wanted to expand the El Rukn coalition into other states to create a stronger network for his weapons and narcotics trade. He figured since he already approved T Rodgers to create a branch of the Black P Stones in Los Santos, he could send another soldier to run a branch of the El Rukn Tribe. Ibrahim Hamilton was chosen by Jeff Fort and the Original 21 to lead a branch of the Los Santos El Rukn Tribe. October 27th 1989, the federal government issued a eight state raid on all El Rukn chapters. They had over three hundred wire taps on Jeff Fort, giving directions and instructions to gang chiefs to perform acts of violence and pick up and drop off weapons and narcotics. In Modern Day In Modern Day, the Rukn Tribe mainly supplies black street gangs across the five cities in which they operate. They stay away from gang warfare at all cost trying not to get linked back to any one group. Their business stretches from the illegal weapon trade, boosting car parts, illegal street racing, to drug trafficking. They established a weapon hauling operation that started in Indiana and Kentucky because in those states, it's easy to buy guns with no FFL or FOID. They will normally send a person who isn’t of essence with the streets to go and buy about 7-10 firearms, then haul them to a specific state then they will receive payment. They also have multiple mobile hotspots, also known as trap-houses, where they print 3D weapons such as Polymer Ghost Glocks and attachments, which the modern-day gangs call “Switches.” They also have spots for other things, such as cooking drugs and getting them ready to be distributed on the streets. The Delegation of Tribe Rukn doesn’t only operate in the streets, they operate in the prisons as well. In 1989, after the eight-state big bust, a lot of high-ranking members got life sentences and banded together. They created a car for Muslims of all kind along as you believe in the Nation of Islam, you can eat, sleep, and program with them inside of prison. They still have their hands in the drug trade from the inside and out. Outside of the illegal businesses, the Rukn Tribe has multiple legit businesses that they use to place young African American youth in. They donate thousands of dollars a year to the Black Lives Matter movement, and they also have their own academic program that takes trouble from the youth of the streets. The program teaches the youth how to be businessmen it also pays for the trades that the youth want to attend free of cost.

We'd like to start this month's community announcement with the following message from Mmartin: Hey everyone, I hope you're all doing well so far in the new year. I'd like to address the plans we have coming up for LS-RP in the very near future. The more keen-eyed among you have probably spotted a "February 2026" card at the end of our last LS-RP RAGE Return teaser. I'm happy to say confirm that after months of hard work by our dev team (huge shout-out to danut and n0de101 who led the RAGE development), we're crossing our t's and dotting our i's to be fully ready to re-open. This comes at a convenient time, as as of today we're shutting the SA-MP server down. I'm thrilled by having had the opportunity to relive the days past and taking SA-MP for one more ride. We've developed dozens of new features that we could only dream of back in SA-MP's heyday, and the run SA-MP had was much longer (also more fun, and at times more challenging) than we initially anticipated. So all in all I'm happy to call the re-run a success, and can't wait for you to see what we've been cooking up on the RAGE front. While we have a rough date to open doors (ports?) internally, we still have some last bridges to cross before feeling confident committing to and sharing a concrete date. It's this month however, so expect more information on dates, features and factions very soon. We'd also like to give a massive shout out to our media team and RAGE Insiders who've made the effort to showcase and highlight some of the server's legal factions in the most recent teaser for RAGE: Commerce & Estate Team In preparation for RAGE, there's been some changes to C&E and how it works/operates. Much of these changes are in the back-end, and not something we necessarily need to bore you with however, by simplifying the structure of the team into two main teams we can streamline the current processes that our team has to go through. Based on recent feedback, all teams including ourselves have agreed to ensure all applications are reviewed within 72 hours to ensure none of our players are waiting on approval for extended periods of time. Commerce Team: Manages business-related tasks, including leases, company perks (vehicles, mapping), and entrepreneurial applications. Head of Commerce Team — danut, Assistant Head of Commerce Team — Slice Estate Team: Oversees player-owned residential properties, complexes, and market pricing adjustments to match the server economy. Head of Estate Team — Caledonite, Assistant Head of Estate Team — DadoJ Keep an eye out on the forums in the coming days and weeks for more information on how you can request properties and companies prior to the server's launch. We aim to ensure that everyone's ready to hit the ground running once the server is live. Illegal Faction Team We'd like to start by acknowledging some changes to the team, as we've recently had @Spanion return to the staff team and reclaim his Illegal Faction Council role. Spanion spent a considerable amount of time supporting the Illegal Faction Team & Council around the SAMP launch and has been helping us get the team prepared for the launch of RAGE. @Conor has also been placed into the role of Illegal Faction Council, his experience in illegal street-gang roleplay, and passion for providing players with a positive, immersive experience has been of great help as we work with our development team on new exciting features for RAGE, which you may have seen in our recent promotional material - a project which @Conor has taken on and worked extremely hard on alongside our RAGE Insiders team. As the launch date for RAGE rapidly approaches, the Illegal Faction Team & Council have been very busy ensuring a smooth transition into the next stage of LS-RP for all existing factions interested in setting up shop on our RAGE server. We've also been preparing a process for returning factions, and factions from outside the community who wish to join us on LS-RP:V. We're excited to announce that we're now ready for faction leaders across the board to apply for Verified in the run up to launch. There are some eligibility criteria that must be met, and not everyone will be granted this upon launch. If you're unsure about the RAGE faction advancement structure, we recommend checking this thread. If you'd like to apply for Verified status, we ask that you submit the following application to the Illegal Faction Council for review. As the official launch date has not been released or decided, it may take some time for applications to be reviewed and approved. We don't want to get anyone excited prematurely, but by submitting your application early you'll ensure you've reserved your spot as a Verified faction for launch as we won't be giving it to every applicant. Official SAMP factions will also have the opportunity to join RAGE in an Official Faction capacity - there are also some eligibility criteria that must be met, however the Illegal Faction Council will be reaching out to these factions individually. We've also been receiving a lot of feedback about the Rules of Engagement from both players and staff regarding the length and complexity of the Rules of Engagement. We've spent some time condensing and simplifying the information, and have released a Rules of Engagement (Simplified) thread. There has been a couple of changes to ROE for the RAGE launch, most importantly this is the change to weapon restrictions (one assault rifle instead of two per attack) and the fact that robberies will now be classed as a faction attack and subject to a 6 hour cool-down. This is still a work in progress as we approach relaunch, but we encourage all faction leaders and their members to ensure they've read this thread to be up to date on the ROE for RAGE. Finally, we're excited to announce the applications for the Illegal Faction Team are now open! If you'd like to provide your input and work as part of a team to support the illegal roleplay community, we recommend submitting an application. And, as always if there's any queries or concerns you'd like to discuss with the Illegal Faction Team/Council, our discord has a ticket bot to allow you to easily communicate your ideas with us - Discord Invite! Staff Update Following our recent tester driver, congratulations to our new staff members ... Tester Karelia - Lande - mhrhan - Hellishape21 f1nn - Ormond31 - Calvin Congratulations to our newly promoted staff members ... Senior Admin Conor Senior Tester Zion - NissanR Welcome back to our returning staff members ... Tester Draxxler

Good faction

SANTANA BLOCK CARSON CRIPS Loyalty Over Everything The Santana Blocc Carson Crips (SBCC), formerly known as the Santana Boys, are a predominantly African-American street gang rooted on the east side of Carson within South Los Santos. The set traces its origins back to the late 1970s, when two small neighborhood crews. the Mid-Town Locs and the Oak Park Boys, operated separately along the Brogue Avenue corridor and surrounding residential blocks. Both groups faced similar struggles growing up in the area, heavy policing, poverty, and constant tension with nearby Blood and Piru-aligned neighborhoods. The idea to unite the two crews came from a respected street figure named Kim “Bullet” Tate, who envisioned bringing both groups together under a single identity to strengthen their numbers and solidify their hold over the neighborhood. Before Tate could fully complete his plan, he was killed in 1978 during a shooting involving rivals from a nearby Piru neighborhood. His death nearly halted the unification effort, but one of his close associates, Kenneth “Turtle” Johnson, stepped forward to carry out Tate’s vision. A former Oak Park Boys member, Johnson successfully merged both crews, officially forming what became known as the Santana Blocc Carson Crips. Under his leadership, the newly unified set quickly established a reputation for their strong territorial control. During the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s, SBCC became heavily involved in ongoing conflicts with several Piru-aligned neighborhoods across South Los Santos. Frequent clashes occurred along major streets surrounding their territory, especially in areas where boundaries overlapped with rival hoods. As their numbers grew, the Santanas developed a reputation as a serious threat to any gang opposing them, regardless of affiliation. Their willingness to defend their turf aggressively made them one of the more feared Crip-aligned sets in the Carson area during that era. In 1989, the set suffered a major loss when Kenneth “Turtle” Johnson was ambushed and killed while traveling outside of his neighborhood. His death remains surrounded by rumors and street speculation, marking a turning point in the gang’s history and leading to a shift in leadership among younger generations. The Santana Blocc Carson Crips territory centers around Brogue Avenue and its surrounding residential streets within the Carson/Davis border region of South Los Santos. Their influence extends through nearby apartment complexes, side streets, and older housing blocks that have served as gathering points for members. Due to tight neighborhood layouts and overlapping borders, their territory frequently collides with rival gang areas, contributing to long-standing tensions. Over the years, SBCC has maintained alliances with several Crip-aligned sets across South Los Santos, primarily due to shared enemies and historical ties, some of these notable hoods are Poccet Hood Carson Crips, Anzac Grape Carson Crips, Kelly Park Carson Crips, Neighborhood Carson Crips, Palmer Blocc Carson Crips, Palm & Oaks Gangster Crips, and many others.. However, they remain in active conflict with multiple Piru and Blood-aligned neighborhoods such as Lueders Park Piru, Elm Street Piru, Mob Piru, Cross Atlantic Piru, Tree Top Piru, Holly Hood Piru, as well as certain rival Crip sets such as South Side Carson Crips, Front Hood Carson Crips, Carver Park Carson Crips, Park Village Carson Crips, Duccy Hood Carson Crips. These rivalries stem from decades-old territorial disputes, and generational conflicts. Tensions with nearby Sureño-affiliated groups have also persisted, largely due to overlapping territories and neighborhood disputes. Modern Era In recent years, both the older and younger generations of the Santana Blocc Carson Crips have been forced to adapt to a rapidly changing environment throughout Carson and the surrounding Davis area. What was once a tight, african-american, working-class neighborhood filled with longtime residents has gradually shifted due to redevelopment, rising housing costs, and increased city investment aimed at “cleaning up” South Los Santos. As new housing projects, renovated apartments, and commercial businesses have moved into the area, many families on Brogue Avenue have been pushed out, relocating further south or into nearby neighborhoods. This shift has had a major impact on the younger members of SBCC. With longtime residents displaced and familiar hangout spots disappearing, many younger Santanas now find themselves operating across a wider area than previous generations. Some have been pushed toward neighboring streets where rival gangs are active, increasing tension and making everyday movement through the city more dangerous than before. For those still involved in the lifestyle, daily life carries constant pressure. Members face not only ongoing threats from rivals but also heavy surveillance from local law enforcement. Frequent patrols, cameras, and targeted enforcement efforts have made traditional street activity much more difficult than in past decades. Younger members grow up aware that incarceration or violence is an ever-present risk, shaping how they move, socialize, and represent their neighborhood. Despite these challenges, SBCC continues to maintain a strong identity within its turf. For many members, the set represents more than street affiliation, older members often emphasize loyalty to the neighborhood’s legacy, while younger members express that same identity through modern outlets such as music, social media, and street fashion. At the same time, these new forms of visibility have introduced new dangers. Online call-outs, disrespect, and social media conflicts often escalate quickly into real-world retaliation, keeping rivalries active even as physical territories shrink. The newer generation of Santana Blocc members now lives in a difficult balance caught between a neighborhood that is steadily changing around them and a long-standing legacy of gang loyalty. Though Carson continues to evolve, the presence of Santana Blocc remains deeply rooted in its streets. While their physical influence may shift over time, their cultural impact, neighborhood ties, and reputation continue to adapt and survive within the ever-changing landscape of South Los Santos.