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The Valenti crime family, also known as the Los Santos crime family, is an Italian-American organized crime group that has operated primarily in the state of San Andreas, with its historical base of operations in Los Santos. The organization emerged from an East Coast–affiliated Mafia migration in the late 1980s and adopted many of the customs, hierarchy, and operational norms associated with American La Cosa Nostra. For several decades, the Valenti family was regarded by law enforcement as the dominant Mafia syndicate on the West Coast, exercising influence across illicit markets and, at its height, maintaining leverage within certain legitimate industries through corruption, intimidation, and control of contracting and labor pipelines. Its power reached its peak under the leadership of longtime boss Santino “The Butcher” Valenti, before entering a prolonged decline beginning in the early 2010s driven by sustained federal prosecutions under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), waves of informant cooperation, internal leadership collapse, and competition from newer and less structured criminal groups such as the Bellantonio crime family. By the mid-2020s, investigators widely described the Valentis as severely diminished and fragmented, though some analysts continued to argue that remnants of the network persisted, operating through insulated cells rather than a visible centralized hierarchy. Origins and East Coast migration The origins of the Valenti crime family are generally traced to 1987, when a small Genovese-linked crew relocated from New York to Los Santos with the approval of the East Coast hierarchy. The move was reportedly sanctioned as a strategic expansion into a comparatively underdeveloped territory for traditional Mafia rackets, particularly those reliant on cash flow, enforcement capacity, and the ability to penetrate small businesses with limited initial attention from major task forces. Early operations centered on sports betting, loan sharking, and illegal pornography distribution, activities that generated steady revenue while providing avenues for extortion and laundering. The crew’s rapid success encouraged further migration, and by 1992 more mafiosi had shifted operations to Los Santos. The expansion began to create unease within the Genovese orbit, where senior figures reportedly viewed the West Coast outpost as increasingly autonomous, and it also drew the ire of the Petrulli crime family, a long-established Los Santos organization that had dominated the city’s underworld since the 1930s. Tensions escalated throughout 1992 and 1993 as both sides competed for gambling routes, loansharking territories, and protection rackets tied to neighborhood businesses. In October 1993, gunmen opened fire on a grocery store in East Los Santos, killing one individual and injuring another. The survivor was later identified by authorities as Santino Valenti. The shooting ignited a bloody Mafia war that lasted roughly two years and resulted in at least 23 mob-related deaths, according to law enforcement estimates. The war is widely regarded as the event that reintroduced large-scale organized crime violence to San Andreas after a period of relative quiet and established Valenti’s faction as the city’s new dominant Mafia force. The Butcher’s reign (1993–2011) From 1993 to 2011, the family entered its defining era under Santino “The Butcher” Valenti. Under Valenti, the organization expanded aggressively across San Andreas and developed a reputation for both financial sophistication and strategic violence. Investigators attributed to the family a diversified criminal portfolio including racketeering, extortion, construction kickbacks, bid rigging, illegal gambling, loansharking, and large-scale money laundering. The organization’s influence was believed to extend into legitimate sectors through controlled contracting pipelines, bribery of gatekeepers, and the cultivation of intermediaries who insulated senior decision-makers. Valenti’s administration was commonly described as modeled on East Coast tradition in structure, but his relationship with the Genovese crime family deteriorated significantly during his rise and reign. Underworld accounts described the Valentis’ West Coast independence as a continuing point of friction, with Santino Valenti resisting outside direction and viewing East Coast oversight as a threat to his autonomy and earnings. By the late 1990s and early 2000s, Santino Valenti was often described as operating in open defiance of Genovese influence. Mafia traditionalists in New York reportedly viewed Valenti as a boss who had benefited from East Coast legitimacy and then severed practical obligations once he consolidated power. The relationship was further strained by Valenti’s aggressive expansion, his alleged willingness to absorb or neutralize rival crews without Commission-style diplomacy, and his reputation for cultivating an underworld celebrity profile that New York bosses considered unnecessary attention. As a result, while the Valenti family was still regarded as part of the broader Cosa Nostra world, it was frequently treated as an outsider organization that could not be relied upon to follow East Coast norms. Despite efforts to remain discreet, the family’s wealth became increasingly visible. Court records and investigative accounts later described a conspicuous lifestyle associated with Valenti and his inner circle, including luxury properties held through nominees and shell companies, high-end vehicles, and memberships in exclusive clubs. Federal scrutiny intensified throughout the 2000s. Although Valenti was acquitted of a high-profile murder charge in 2008 involving the death of his former friend and reputed underboss Paul Nunziatta, investigators continued building broader racketeering cases. On May 29, 2011, Valenti was convicted of racketeering and conspiracy, marking the end of nearly three decades of dominance and triggering a succession crisis that would define the next decade. Though eligible for parole in 2036, his imprisonment removed the family’s central stabilizing figure, and the organization’s leadership structure began to fracture. Infighting and indictments (2011–2014) The years immediately following Valenti’s conviction were characterized by rapid turnover at the top, internal factionalism, and heightened vulnerability to federal prosecutions. Underworld and law enforcement sources commonly identified Anthony Solari as the first successor to assume day-to-day control after the Butcher’s removal. Solari’s administration was described as an interim attempt to maintain continuity with Valenti-era discipline while the organization adjusted to the loss of its patriarch and assessed legal exposure. His tenure was brief and marked by mounting federal pressure, as investigators intensified surveillance and pursued secondary prosecutions aimed at collapsing the remaining hierarchy. Following Solari, Joey “Buddha” Panzarino, a street boss and former captain associated with the Tony’s Liquor crew, was believed to have assumed control of day-to-day activities as acting boss, only to later face a RICO conviction. Leadership then shifted to Anthony Corsaro, whose administration initially brought a measure of stability and relied heavily on seasoned figures from Valenti’s inner circle, including Gino “Gigi” Giordano, Ray Avena, and Paul “Duke” Carducci. In late 2012, the family’s fragile equilibrium collapsed when Corsaro and Carducci disappeared under suspicious circumstances. Their disappearance created a vacuum and fueled speculation of internal purges and retaliatory violence. Vincent “Bulldog” Malacci, widely described as Valenti’s former driver and bodyguard, assumed control of the family for a short period before he also vanished. As scrutiny mounted, out-of-state branches in Florida, San Diego, and San Fierro attempted to influence succession, complicating leadership legitimacy. Florida-based captain Stephen Cersani was installed as boss, but his reign ended abruptly amid another damaging series of indictments. Informant cooperation proved especially devastating. Lucas Santora and Frank Nappi, both deeply embedded in Valenti operations, testified in major Mafia trials that exposed internal structure and revenue channels, eroding the secrecy culture the organization had inherited from its East Coast lineage. Underworld rumor frequently held that Samuel “Sammy the Beak” Beccarini, Valenti’s longtime consigliere, served as a de facto leader behind the scenes, using rotating figureheads as buffers. Beccarini later faced arrest and imprisonment, further destabilizing the family. The year 2014 marked the end of the immediate post-Butcher succession scramble and the beginning of a more chaotic transitional phase in which would-be reformers attempted to seize power. On January 1, 2014, Nicholas Diopare, a former Valenti captain known as “the Apache,” was murdered in a brazen daylight shooting that media outlets dubbed the “New Year’s Day Massacre.” Diopare had been one of the more visible internal contenders to restore structure after the wave of disappearances, and his killing was widely interpreted as a message that the boss seat remained contested and dangerous. Underworld accounts frequently attributed the killing to rival faction maneuvering, with particular suspicion falling on Oakland-based soldier Anthony Sutera, though no charges were filed and the case remained unresolved. Rise of the Bellantonio family (2014–2018) In the aftermath of Diopare’s murder and continuing fragmentation, the Valenti family’s instability created space for younger criminals less committed to traditional Mafia norms. Michael “The Snake” Sarino and Joseph Bellantonio formed a renegade crew that evolved into the Bellantonio crime family. Traditional mobsters derided the group as “Mickey Mouse gangsters,” emphasizing their perceived recklessness, looser recruitment standards, and street gang–like volatility. Despite this reputation, the Bellantonios grew rapidly and became the most visible organized crime force in East Los Santos by the mid-2010s. Sarino was widely rumored to have previously worked as a driver for Anthony Sutera and was later linked by law enforcement intelligence to multiple killings, including the murders of Sutera and Sarino’s mentor, captain Patrick Durante, earning him the nickname “The Snake.” In 2016, Sarino was shot and killed by his own associates, but the organization’s expansion continued under Joseph Bellantonio. By the late 2010s, the Bellantonio family had eclipsed the Valentis in street-level dominance, forcing the remnants of the Valenti organization into retreat or quiet adaptation. Resurgence attempts and the Valenti–Bellantonio war (2015–2021) Multiple efforts were made to revive the Valenti family between 2015 and 2019. A coordinated resurgence effort emerged in 2015 under Frank Carna, a figure linked to the San Diego-based Lorenzo Valenti crew. Carna sought to broker alliances among rival factions and position himself as a peacemaker in the turbulent Los Santos underworld, reportedly forming a short-lived ruling panel with Robert Luppino and Joseph Bellantonio. The alliance collapsed after Carna died in a car accident while traveling back East, triggering renewed fragmentation. A more credible revival appeared to coincide with the prison releases of Samuel “Sammy the Beak” Beccarini in 2018 and Donald “Ducks” Rigazzi in 2019. In the same period, tensions with the Bellantonio crime family escalated into a sustained turf war that drew national attention and produced numerous killings and disappearances. The conflict was widely portrayed as a clash between a weakened traditional family struggling to reclaim its footing and a newer rival whose culture was defined by volatility and street-level aggression. Bonanno involvement and Commission standing (2019–present) The Valenti crime family’s standing with the New York Mafia Commission has historically been described as peripheral and conditional, shaped by its West Coast geography and its uneven relationships with East Coast families. During Santino Valenti’s reign, the family’s poor relationship with the Genovese crime family placed it at a disadvantage within traditional Commission politics. Underworld accounts described Valenti as resistant to outside direction, and the family was frequently viewed in New York circles as independent to the point of liability. As a result, Commission interest in Los Santos was often framed less as stewardship of the Valentis and more as occasional intervention to prevent instability from becoming a national law-enforcement problem. Bonanno involvement did not become a significant factor until 2019, when the Valenti–Bellantonio war threatened to spiral into an uncontrolled cycle of retaliatory violence. Underworld reporting described the arrival of Joseph “The Barber” Uttaro, a reputed Bonanno caporegime and Commission-linked intermediary, as a turning point. Uttaro’s role was commonly characterized as that of an outside stabilizer tasked with forcing a settlement that would reduce killings, limit collateral attention, and impose a functional separation of rackets to prevent future escalation. The peace that followed was frequently described as a Commission-friendly outcome, not because it restored Valenti dominance, but because it created a workable ceasefire in a region that had become increasingly visible. The settlement was later regarded as one of the first instances in years where the West Coast conflict was contained through a traditional Cosa Nostra-style mediation rather than spiraling into prolonged factional warfare. Modern decline and the Grumo administration (2020–2024) By the early 2020s, the Valenti family increasingly appeared to prioritize survival and insulation over expansion. A key transitional figure was Paul Grumo (1966–2024), a Tampa-born administrator who rose to become acting boss during the family’s fragile rebuilding period. Grumo was described as markedly different from Santino Valenti in style, favoring low visibility, internal consolidation, and the careful reconstruction of revenue channels disrupted by prior indictments and defections. Under his stewardship, the organization reduced overt violence and shifted toward quieter forms of money movement and influence, while attempting to preserve enough cohesion to prevent splintering. Grumo’s administration was often characterized as a containment strategy. Rather than attempting to reclaim the sweeping territorial dominance of the Butcher era, the family narrowed its exposure by limiting who had access to sensitive information, reducing the number of direct touch points between senior figures and street-level operations, and leaning more heavily on intermediaries and trusted earners. This approach was reinforced by the realities of the post-2019 environment, in which the family had already endured a public war, growing surveillance, and a shrinking recruitment pool. Underworld accounts frequently described Grumo as an internal mediator who prioritized predictability, internal discipline, and the avoidance of flashy conduct that could create investigative leverage. In 2021, the family suffered a major disruption when a federal investigation triggered by the disappearance of soldier Arnold Brigone uncovered a sophisticated state-wide money laundering network orchestrated by captain Lucas “Pags” Pagano. Investigators described the operation as one of the most ambitious financial schemes ever attributed to the Los Santos Mafia. The laundering network reportedly relied on shell corporations and legitimate fronts such as farms, service firms, and agricultural wholesalers, converting illicit proceeds into seemingly lawful revenue while also evading taxes through layered bookkeeping and controlled disbursements. The resulting indictments named Pagano, Grumo, Rudolph Guercini, and Carmine “Baggs” Baggalia among the high-ranking figures, and law enforcement widely described the case as the most damaging blow to the family since Santino Valenti’s imprisonment. The case not only removed key earners and administrators but also forced the family to reassess how it moved money, how it compartmentalized decision-making, and how it insulated leadership from financial tracing. Transition to the Dippolitos (2024–present) In 2024, Paul Grumo died suddenly, with underworld accounts and investigators commonly attributing the death to an apparent heart attack. His death created another leadership vacuum at a moment when the organization’s senior ranks had already been depleted by indictments and violence. The transition that followed was widely described as the final major structural reorientation of the Valenti crime family in the post-Butcher era. Rather than elevating another short-lived figurehead, the family consolidated authority within a small leadership nucleus associated with William and Michael Dippolito. The shift represented a movement away from a single stabilizing administrator toward a dual-track model in which revenue control, enforcement credibility, and internal arbitration were coordinated through a tightly managed inner circle. By the time Grumo died, underworld observers argued that the Dippolitos had already become essential to the family’s stability in practice. William was commonly described as the figure most capable of preventing fragmentation because of his calm reputation, his ability to conduct sitdowns without provoking challenges, and his role as an allocator of rackets in an era when fewer rackets remained worth fighting over. Michael was commonly described as the operational counterpart, valued for his control of earners, his ability to enforce compliance quietly, and his role in sustaining low-exposure revenue streams that could survive the post-2021 investigative environment. The transition also marked a clearer articulation of the family’s modern operating philosophy. Under the Dippolitos, authority was maintained through tight compartmentalization, a reduced leadership footprint, and the use of buffers to separate senior figures from street activity. Disputes were increasingly handled through private sitdowns, and violence was treated as a last resort due to the legal exposure it created. The family’s day-to-day functioning was frequently described as performance-based, with influence tied to who could produce revenue, keep their people out of headlines, and preserve internal order without creating investigative openings. In this period, the Bonanno channel that had emerged during the 2019 war was increasingly described as beneficial to the new Valenti leadership nucleus. Under this view, Bonanno-linked relationships provided a form of external credibility at a moment when the Valentis had suffered repeated leadership collapses, indictments, and informant damage. Rather than granting formal recognition or direct oversight, the Bonanno connection was seen as providing practical support through structured dispute resolution, the maintenance of non-interference agreements with rival groups, and selective introductions that allowed the Valentis to remain connected to broader Cosa Nostra business norms even as their domestic footprint shrank. Sicilian Mafia ties and the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina In the modern era, investigators and underworld sources increasingly attributed portions of Valenti narcotics and money-movement activity to transnational relationships with Italian organized crime groups, particularly Calabrian ’Ndrangheta networks and Sicilian-linked intermediaries. These relationships were most often described as pragmatic business arrangements rather than formal alliances, structured to give the Valentis access to wholesale supply while providing Italian counterparts with distribution reach and laundering opportunities in San Andreas. A key nexus in these accounts was the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina, a Calabrian ’Ndrangheta clan reportedly involved in international cocaine trafficking. Underworld reporting described the ’Ndrina as operating through a web of intermediaries that sometimes included Sicilian-connected facilitators who could broker introductions, resolve disputes, and guarantee credibility between groups that otherwise did not share direct organizational lineage. In this framework, Sicilian ties were less commonly portrayed as command relationships and more often as connective tissue, with respected intermediaries vouching for participants, establishing terms, and ensuring transactional compliance around debt, delivery schedules, and retaliation protocols. The Valenti family’s strongest reported connection to the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina was said to have flowed through networks linked to Michael Dippolito and his associate Giannis Savas, who allegedly facilitated shipments routed through Las Venturas and rural Bone County. These channels were described as using desert landing strips and logistics corridors disguised as agricultural transport, allowing product to enter San Andreas with reduced exposure. Analysts framed this relationship as part of a broader Mafia economic shift in which weakened domestic La Cosa Nostra groups increasingly relied on external suppliers with stronger upstream control. In this model, the Valentis’ value was local distribution capacity, debt enforcement, and laundering expertise, while the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina’s value was access to international supply and a disciplined trafficking infrastructure. Sicilian intermediaries, where referenced, were typically described as transactional brokers who bridged cultural and operational differences between American crews and Italian counterparts and helped maintain trust without direct, high-risk contact between leadership figures. Current status By the mid-2020s, the Valenti crime family was widely assessed as severely diminished and fragmented, operating at a small fraction of its former size. Unlike the Butcher era, when the organization was believed to maintain clear command authority over crews and territories, the modern Valentis were described as a loose constellation of aging members, long-time associates, and semi-independent crews bound more by personal history than by an enforceable centralized hierarchy. Law enforcement officials often noted that defining the family’s contemporary structure was difficult because remaining members appeared to have adopted increased compartmentalization, reduced communications, and greater reliance on buffers to avoid surveillance and conspiracy exposure. Geographically, remnants were thought to persist in Los Santos and older outposts such as San Diego, San Fierro, and Florida, with occasional corridors extending toward Las Venturas. Rather than controlling territory through visible street power, the family was described as operating through selective influence, quiet loansharking, discreet money movement, and laundering arrangements tied to legitimate businesses. Some accounts suggested that surviving Valenti-connected figures increasingly relied on non-Italian intermediaries who served as practical shields, allowing older mafiosi to reduce direct exposure while still benefiting from revenue streams. The aftermath of the 2021 Pagano laundering case continued to shape operations, with analysts arguing that the organization shifted toward smaller transactions, less centralized cash pooling, and cautious legitimate mixing designed to reduce the risk of another sweeping financial indictment. Investigators remained divided on whether the Valenti crime family still functioned as a coherent family or had become a collection of residual relationships operating under an old name. One view held that the organization was effectively defunct, with most senior figures dead, imprisoned, missing, or retired. Another argued that the Valentis had evolved into a quieter formation, operating through insulated cells and legitimate business entanglements, with fewer members but a higher degree of caution and adaptability. What was broadly agreed upon was that the modern Valenti organization bore little resemblance to the syndicate that once dominated Los Santos under Santino Valenti, and its decline was commonly framed as part of a broader West Coast pattern in which traditional Mafia structures were eroded by RICO enforcement, demographic shifts, competition from agile criminal enterprises, and the increasing sophistication of financial surveillance. Out of Character Information Established in 2007, the Valenti crime family is renowned for providing the most authentic portrayal of the American Cosa Nostra on the West Coast. Our commitment to realism is evident in our structure, activities, behavior, long-standing characters and intricate storylines. The Valenti crime family's role-play standards are exceptionally high, and as such, recruitment and progression is handled strictly in-character in a realistic manner. Our faction operates with a character-first and realism-focused mindset, leading to organic, well-paced development and highly immersive role-play. Only those with unwavering commitment, quality role-play abilities, and a mindset focused on character development should attempt to join. If your main goal is to climb the ranks, accumulate riches or anything other than engage in realistic role-play, this faction is not for you. Those interested in joining should focus on developing a multi-dimensional character who adds to the realism of our setting. Characters of all backgrounds and ethnicities are welcome, provided their association with the organization is realistic. Ensure your name is authentic, such as John Romano or John Morello, and avoid unrealistic names like John Galloscianino or John Morrelo. Authenticity is paramount, and we will require a name change if this criterion is not met. Aspiring recruits are advised to develop a criminal MO for their character or find another way for their character to become an asset and/or vulnerable to our characters in some manner as a pathway to joining. The Valenti crime family's leadership reserves the right to authorize a character kill on those who work for the organization for any reason deemed fit. Feel free to post any questions or comments about the Valenti crime family in this thread. Any complaints should be handled through private messages. Only those with permission from an inductee may post screenshots on this thread. Those interested in interacting with us are welcome to join our public Discord channel (link below) where we provide notifications for upcoming business openings. https://discord.gg/2kdpkDvxbp

Street Villains 13 is a predominantly Hispanic street gang based in Los Santos. The group originally formed among local youth who grew up on the same few blocks and shared similar struggles tied to poverty, heavy law enforcement presence, and long-standing neighborhood rivalries. Over time, SV13 expanded to include members from nearby streets who identified with the group’s history and reputation. As the Street Villains’ influence spread throughout South Los Santos, conflicts with neighboring street groups intensified. These rivalries led to repeated cycles of violence, arrests, and incarceration, deeply affecting both the group and the surrounding community. Despite this instability, the Street Villains name continued to carry weight locally, particularly among older members and long-time residents familiar with the neighborhood’s past. The roots of SV13 trace back to the early 1970s, when the area functioned as a loose neighborhood collective often referred to by locals as Stone Haven Varrio, made up of families from multiple cultural backgrounds. By 1974, younger residents began organizing more formally, eventually solidifying what would become known as Street Villains 13. One of the earliest figures linked to the group was a neighborhood resident known as “Low Key,” frequently cited as an influential founding presence. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, growth led to internal separation. Members began identifying with smaller cliques based on age and specific blocks within the neighborhood. While older members continued to represent the original Street Villains identity, younger generations formed localized cliques tied to their immediate surroundings. Despite these divisions, the cliques remained connected through shared territory and history. By the late 1980s, Street Villains 13 had developed several recognized cliques. The most prominent was 43rd Street Locos (LCS), which became closely associated with the SV13 name. This clique should not be confused with 42nd Street Locos, a separate and independent Latino street group operating in a different part of South Los Santos. Other smaller cliques also existed, each maintaining its own identity while still falling under the broader Street Villains umbrella. SV13 shares territory with the Rollin’ 40s Neighborhood Crips, one of the larger and more established gangs in South Los Santos. This close proximity has historically contributed to tension, disputes, and periodic flare-ups between the groups. Members of Street Villains 13 are known to congregate in a narrow alley. Local Los Santos law enforcement has frequently associated this alley with graffiti activity and past gang-related incidents, making it a well-known location tied to the group. South Los Santos has long been marked by economic decline and social neglect. Once viewed as a quiet working-class area, the neighborhood was permanently altered following widespread unrest in 1968, triggered by a confrontation between residents and authorities. The protests and clashes that followed reshaped the community and played a major role in forming the identity and outlook of Street Villains 13 in the decades that followed. STVx3 is widely known for conflicting with nearly every surrounding neighborhood in South Los Santos. The gang has a long-standing reputation for clashing with any hood that refuses to acknowledge their presence or challenges their influence. Because of this mentality, tensions with nearby gangs are nearly constant, and long-term alliances are uncommon. Street Villains 13 is bordered by several rival gangs and has remained active despite decades of conflict. Their most documented rivalries include W/S South Los 13, Hoover-affiliated sets, S/S Playboys 13, W/S Davis 13, and Azteca's 13. These disputes have led to repeated cycles of retaliation, territorial challenges, and increased law enforcement attention throughout the area. One of the most active and volatile conflicts in recent years has centered around Vermont Avenue, where Street Villains 13 and W/S South Los 13 have aligned against the Hoovers. This ongoing war has resulted in frequent confrontations, heightened police patrols, and a steady pattern of violence affecting surrounding blocks. Social media has played a growing role in fueling these tensions. Younger members from different SV13 cliques have been observed moving through rival territory while recording videos, yelling derogatory remarks, and openly disrespecting enemies. Graffiti remains a major method of asserting presence, with Street Villains 13 marking walls throughout contested areas, often crossing out rival tags and placing their own name over them to signal dominance. While fistfights and melee assaults were once the most common form of confrontation, gun-related violence has increased in recent years, particularly among younger members attempting to build reputations within the gang. In 2022, the Los Santos Police Department’s Gang Task Force documented 16 gang-related homicides across sections of South and East Los Santos, many of which were linked to ongoing disputes involving Street Villains 13 and other local street gangs. Law enforcement has identified several known hangout locations for SV13 members, including freeway-adjacent areas, alleyways, and key intersections surrounding their claimed territory. Surveillance and patrol efforts have focused heavily on these locations, though the gang’s decentralized structure has made enforcement efforts difficult. Internally, Street Villains 13 operates through multiple smaller cliques tied to specific blocks or sections of the neighborhood. While younger members often identify primarily with their clique, older members continue to emphasize loyalty to the broader STVx3 name. This generational divide has created differences in how members operate, with older figures favoring structure and reputation, while younger members seek visibility and status through confrontations and online exposure. Despite arrests, injunctions, and sustained police pressure, Street Villains 13 has remained active for over six decades. Their continued presence is largely attributed to deep-rooted neighborhood ties, family connections, and the ability to adapt to changing conditions. As rivalries persist and new generations emerge, STVx3 continues to be regarded as one of the more aggressive and enduring gangs in South Los Santos, maintaining its name through ongoing conflict and territorial defense. Street Villains 13 has also been linked to a steady flow of arrests related to weapons possession, vandalism, and probation violations. Law enforcement reports indicate that many younger members are introduced to the gang through family ties or neighborhood proximity rather than formal recruitment, making enforcement efforts more complex. Officers note that arrests often remove individuals temporarily, but rarely disrupt the broader structure of the gang. The gang’s identity has remained consistent despite changes in leadership and generational turnover. Older members are known to emphasize respect for the STVx3 name and its history, while younger members tend to prioritize visibility and reputation-building through confrontations with rivals. This shift has contributed to an increase in reckless behavior, including public displays of disrespect and confrontations in highly visible areas. As South Los Santos continues to change, Street Villains 13 remains a defining presence within its claimed territory. Ongoing rivalries, territorial disputes, and cycles of retaliation continue to shape daily life in the surrounding neighborhoods. With no clear resolution to these conflicts, STVx3 is expected to remain active, maintaining its influence through a combination of neighborhood loyalty, intimidation, and long-standing street reputation. Inside STVx3, tattoos carry meaning far beyond appearance. They are commonly viewed as records of loyalty, involvement, and time spent within the gang. Unlike regular tattoos, these markings are often believed to be earned through participation and endurance rather than chosen freely. Within the culture, having visible gang tattoos is frequently tied to credibility, with the idea that respect must come from actions connected to the neighborhood and its history. Young members who are first associated with a gang are usually kept at the lowest level. At this stage, they are often expected to handle simple responsibilities that place them close to older members without giving them power. Running errands, carrying messages, or picking up food and drinks from nearby stores are common expectations. These tasks are not viewed as glamorous, but they are considered a test of reliability, patience, and willingness to follow orders without question. Trust is built slowly through consistency rather than sudden acts. As time passes and trust grows, expectations increase. Members who remain active and present begin to gain recognition within the group. In many neighborhoods, reputation becomes tied to how often someone is seen, who they associate with, and how they carry themselves in public. Tattoos representing the set, neighborhood, or number are often seen as proof that a person has contributed something meaningful. Within the gang, the belief exists that the more markings someone has, the more they have done for the hood, even though this perception is often exaggerated or assumed rather than verified. Rank within the gang is sometimes reflected through tattoos, though this is not an official system. Certain placements, sizes, or repetitions of symbols are believed to signal seniority or experience. Older members may carry faded or older tattoos that reflect long-term involvement, while younger members often seek new markings to show they are active and committed. This creates pressure, especially on younger individuals, to permanently mark themselves in order to be taken seriously. Some tattoos carry especially heavy rumors and symbolism. Teardrop tattoos are one of the most well known examples. Within street culture, filled teardrops are often said to represent a confirmed killing, while unfilled teardrops are rumored to represent an unconfirmed act or the loss of someone close. In reality, these meanings are inconsistent and frequently misunderstood, but the assumptions attached to them are powerful and can affect how others perceive and treat the individual. In neighborhoods with a strong gang presence, it is common to see many Hispanic individuals with visible gang tattoos. To those inside the lifestyle, these markings can signal how active someone is or which side of a conflict they belong to. To rivals, they can act as provocation. To law enforcement, they often become identifiers. What is meant to show pride or loyalty can quickly become a reason for targeting, whether by enemies or authorities. The permanence of tattoos is something older members often acknowledge but younger members tend to overlook. While alliances shift, neighborhoods change, and people age out of street life, tattoos remain. Many former members later find that these markings limit job opportunities, attract unwanted attention, and make it difficult to distance themselves from past involvement. What once symbolized respect can become a lasting reminder of decisions made at a young age. Overall, the system of rank and tattoos within Hispanic gangs reflects deeper issues tied to identity, belonging, and survival. For many, tattoos become a way to prove worth in environments where other forms of recognition feel unreachable. While they may bring short-term status within the streets, they often carry long-term consequences that follow individuals well beyond the neighborhood that once demanded them. The 43rd Street Locos are widely regarded as the oldest and most well-known clique tied to the Street Locos name. Within their circle, they are known for a reputation centered on retaliation and loyalty, earning them the nickname of a “get-back” clique. Older members are often described as highly reactive to losses, believing that unanswered violence signals weakness and invites further challenges from rivals. One of the most cited incidents associated with the clique involved a member known on the streets as Silent #4, who was killed outside a neighborhood liquor store during a late-night shooting. Word of the incident spread quickly through the area, and rumors circulated that members of 18th Street were responsible. The killing intensified an already tense rivalry and drew immediate attention from both the streets and law enforcement. Later that same night, several members of the 43rd Street Locos allegedly crossed into rival territory in what authorities would later describe as a retaliatory act. Multiple people were killed during the incident, sending shockwaves through both neighborhoods. Witness reports described a vehicle fleeing the scene at high speed, triggering a large police response across surrounding blocks. The incident ended with a pursuit that resulted in arrests, effectively dismantling much of the clique’s active leadership at the time. The case became a turning point, frequently referenced by law enforcement as an example of how fast retaliation escalates into wider violence. Within the streets, the event cemented the 43rd Street Locos’ reputation as one of the most feared and reckless cliques associated with the Street Locos name. (FTMA) (FaketeenMurdaGang) FTMA, short for FaketeenMurdaGang, formed as a direct result of long-standing hostilities with 18th Street. From its beginning, the clique positioned itself as aggressively anti-18th, adopting a confrontational identity shaped almost entirely by ongoing conflict. Members often describe the rivalry as generational, with no clear starting point and no clear end. Over the years, the feud between FTMA and 18th Street has resulted in repeated arrests, violent confrontations, and long prison sentences. Law enforcement records link the clique to numerous incidents involving assaults and weapons violations. Despite pressure from authorities, FTMA has continued to exist as a symbol of the broader, unresolved war between the two sides. Young Evil Paisa, commonly referred to as YEP, is considered the youngest and most volatile clique connected to the Street Locos. Many of its members grew up surrounded by predominantly Black neighborhoods, particularly areas influenced by Rollin’ 30s and Rollin’ 40s Neighborhood Crips. This proximity heavily shaped their style, behavior, and overall street identity. YEP members are often recognized by their fashion choices, which differ from older cliques. Designer clothing, slim-fit jeans, expensive sneakers, and hoodies are common, reflecting influence from surrounding hoods rather than traditional Hispanic gang aesthetics. Their presence has been frequently noted around 44th Street, where they are known to spend long hours outside and remain highly visible. The clique is especially known for aggressive tagging and wall work, often placing their name in highly contested areas. These markings are used not only to claim space but also to provoke rivals. Law enforcement considers their graffiti activity a key indicator of rising tension in the area, often preceding violent incidents. YEP’s notoriety grew significantly following a major law enforcement operation known as the “44th Street Murders Takedown.” The investigation targeted multiple young members tied to a series of violent crimes, leading to indictments that drew citywide attention. Despite the arrests, YEP continues to be viewed as a dangerous and unpredictable clique, driven by youth, peer pressure, and a desire for recognition. In the present day, Street Villains 13 (STVx3) remains an active and recognizable presence in South Los Santos, continuing to operate in a city that has changed around them but never fully left them behind. While many older gangs have fractured or faded, Street Villains 13 has adapted to modern pressures through generational turnover, social media visibility, and tight neighborhood ties that keep the name alive. Unlike earlier eras where structure was more centralized, today’s Street Villains operate through smaller cliques that move independently while still claiming the larger STVx3 identity. Younger members often prioritize visibility and reputation, while older figures remain more reserved, acting behind the scenes. This split has changed how the gang functions, making it less predictable but harder to dismantle. Social media plays a major role in the gang’s modern identity. Online platforms are frequently used to display presence, mock rivals, and amplify neighborhood disputes. What once stayed within a few blocks can now spread instantly across the city, escalating conflicts faster and drawing increased attention from both enemies and law enforcement. Rivalries continue to define Street Villains 13’s daily reality. Ongoing tensions with multiple Sureño gangs and Hoover-affiliated sets have kept the surrounding area unstable, with disputes often centered around contested streets and intersections. These conflicts rarely resolve and instead cycle through periods of escalation and brief calm before reigniting. Law enforcement pressure on Street Villains 13 has intensified in recent years. Surveillance, gang injunctions, and targeted arrests have disrupted some activity, but the gang’s decentralized nature allows it to recover quickly. Arrests often remove individuals rather than weakening the overall presence, contributing to a constant reshuffling of faces on the street. Economics and the environment continue to play a role in the gang’s persistence. Limited opportunities, overcrowded housing, and generational involvement make it difficult for many youths in the area to avoid exposure. For some, Street Villains 13 represents familiarity and protection in a neighborhood where trust is scarce and outside systems feel distant. At the same time, the consequences of involvement are more visible than ever. Members face increased monitoring, harsher sentencing, and fewer chances to separate themselves from their past. Tattoos, online activity, and known associations make it difficult for individuals to move unnoticed, even as they grow older or attempt to step away. Today, Street Villains 13 exists as both a street organization and a symbol of unresolved issues in South Los Santos. While the methods and faces have changed, the core struggles remain the same. As long as those conditions persist, STVx3 is likely to remain part of the city’s landscape, adapting to the present while carrying the weight of its past.

E/S 84 Main Street Mafia Crips, commonly referred to as 84 MSMC, Main Streets, or simply Mafioso Gang, is a long-standing African-American Crip set based in the East South Central area of Los Santos. The gang controls territory around 84th Street and Main, stretching between San Pedro, Broadway, Florence, and surrounding residential blocks. They operate under the larger Mafia Crip umbrella and maintain close ties with other Main Street and Mafia-associated sets, most notably 98 Main Street Mafia Crips, often representing together under the “984” alliance. Despite being smaller in numbers compared to other Mafia cliques, 84 Main Street has developed a reputation for being one of the more active and violent subsets, known for quick retaliation and consistent street presence. Historically, early members were associated with the Swan cards under the name Main Street Swans. Over time, internal politics and shifting alliances led the group to separate from their former ties and fully align with the Mafia Crips identity. This transition marked a turning point for the set, turning former allies into rivals and establishing Main Street as its own independent force within East Side gang politics. Since then, the neighborhood around 84th & Main has remained firmly under their control, with generations of members growing up directly within the same blocks they claim. Daily operations primarily revolve around street-level narcotics sales, armed robberies, dice games, and taxing independent dealers operating within their territory. Members are known to move quietly and avoid unnecessary attention, relying more on low-profile activity rather than public displays or heavy social media presence. Most enforcement and retaliation occurs late at night, often involving car-to-car shootings, alleyway confrontations, or quick “fade” style attacks on rivals entering their area. 84 Main Street maintains strong relationships with other Mafia Crip sets including 98 MSMC, 99 Watts Mafia Crips, Fudge Town, and Blue Gate Mafia, frequently linking up for protection and larger conflicts. At the same time, the set holds ongoing rivalries with Hoover Criminals, Mad Swan Bloods, and nearby Crip neighborhoods, with turf disputes and personal conflicts regularly escalating into violence. Several unsolved shootings and homicides in the Florence and Broadway corridor have been attributed to these long-standing tensions. In terms of identity, Main Street members traditionally wear navy blue and gold colorways, often sporting fitted caps, flannels, and starter jackets matching those tones. Common tattoos include “84MS,” “984,” or “Mafia” in script lettering, along with Crip stars and neighborhood references. Rather than large murals or excessive tagging, their presence is typically marked through smaller handstyle tags, clothing, and word-of-mouth reputation within the community. With increased law enforcement pressure and gang injunction zones around Main and Florence, the set has adapted by keeping a lower profile, though activity in the area remains consistent. Younger generations continue to claim the neighborhood while honoring older members who helped establish the set’s name. Despite their quieter approach compared to larger gangs, 84 Main Street Mafia Crips continues to hold a respected and feared position within East South Central’s street politics.

SANTANA BLOCK CARSON CRIPS Loyalty Over Everything The Santana Blocc Carson Crips (SBCC), formerly known as the Santana Boys, are a predominantly African-American street gang rooted on the east side of Carson within South Los Santos. The set traces its origins back to the late 1970s, when two small neighborhood crews. the Mid-Town Locs and the Oak Park Boys, operated separately along the Brogue Avenue corridor and surrounding residential blocks. Both groups faced similar struggles growing up in the area, heavy policing, poverty, and constant tension with nearby Blood and Piru-aligned neighborhoods. The idea to unite the two crews came from a respected street figure named Kim “Bullet” Tate, who envisioned bringing both groups together under a single identity to strengthen their numbers and solidify their hold over the neighborhood. Before Tate could fully complete his plan, he was killed in 1978 during a shooting involving rivals from a nearby Piru neighborhood. His death nearly halted the unification effort, but one of his close associates, Kenneth “Turtle” Johnson, stepped forward to carry out Tate’s vision. A former Oak Park Boys member, Johnson successfully merged both crews, officially forming what became known as the Santana Blocc Carson Crips. Under his leadership, the newly unified set quickly established a reputation for their strong territorial control. During the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s, SBCC became heavily involved in ongoing conflicts with several Piru-aligned neighborhoods across South Los Santos. Frequent clashes occurred along major streets surrounding their territory, especially in areas where boundaries overlapped with rival hoods. As their numbers grew, the Santanas developed a reputation as a serious threat to any gang opposing them, regardless of affiliation. Their willingness to defend their turf aggressively made them one of the more feared Crip-aligned sets in the Carson area during that era. In 1989, the set suffered a major loss when Kenneth “Turtle” Johnson was ambushed and killed while traveling outside of his neighborhood. His death remains surrounded by rumors and street speculation, marking a turning point in the gang’s history and leading to a shift in leadership among younger generations. The Santana Blocc Carson Crips territory centers around Brogue Avenue and its surrounding residential streets within the Carson/Davis border region of South Los Santos. Their influence extends through nearby apartment complexes, side streets, and older housing blocks that have served as gathering points for members. Due to tight neighborhood layouts and overlapping borders, their territory frequently collides with rival gang areas, contributing to long-standing tensions. Over the years, SBCC has maintained alliances with several Crip-aligned sets across South Los Santos, primarily due to shared enemies and historical ties, some of these notable hoods are Poccet Hood Carson Crips, Anzac Grape Carson Crips, Kelly Park Carson Crips, Neighborhood Carson Crips, Palmer Blocc Carson Crips, Palm & Oaks Gangster Crips, and many others.. However, they remain in active conflict with multiple Piru and Blood-aligned neighborhoods such as Lueders Park Piru, Elm Street Piru, Mob Piru, Cross Atlantic Piru, Tree Top Piru, Holly Hood Piru, as well as certain rival Crip sets such as South Side Carson Crips, Front Hood Carson Crips, Carver Park Carson Crips, Park Village Carson Crips, Duccy Hood Carson Crips. These rivalries stem from decades-old territorial disputes, and generational conflicts. Tensions with nearby Sureño-affiliated groups have also persisted, largely due to overlapping territories and neighborhood disputes. Modern Era In recent years, both the older and younger generations of the Santana Blocc Carson Crips have been forced to adapt to a rapidly changing environment throughout Carson and the surrounding Davis area. What was once a tight, african-american, working-class neighborhood filled with longtime residents has gradually shifted due to redevelopment, rising housing costs, and increased city investment aimed at “cleaning up” South Los Santos. As new housing projects, renovated apartments, and commercial businesses have moved into the area, many families on Brogue Avenue have been pushed out, relocating further south or into nearby neighborhoods. This shift has had a major impact on the younger members of SBCC. With longtime residents displaced and familiar hangout spots disappearing, many younger Santanas now find themselves operating across a wider area than previous generations. Some have been pushed toward neighboring streets where rival gangs are active, increasing tension and making everyday movement through the city more dangerous than before. For those still involved in the lifestyle, daily life carries constant pressure. Members face not only ongoing threats from rivals but also heavy surveillance from local law enforcement. Frequent patrols, cameras, and targeted enforcement efforts have made traditional street activity much more difficult than in past decades. Younger members grow up aware that incarceration or violence is an ever-present risk, shaping how they move, socialize, and represent their neighborhood. Despite these challenges, SBCC continues to maintain a strong identity within its turf. For many members, the set represents more than street affiliation, older members often emphasize loyalty to the neighborhood’s legacy, while younger members express that same identity through modern outlets such as music, social media, and street fashion. At the same time, these new forms of visibility have introduced new dangers. Online call-outs, disrespect, and social media conflicts often escalate quickly into real-world retaliation, keeping rivalries active even as physical territories shrink. The newer generation of Santana Blocc members now lives in a difficult balance caught between a neighborhood that is steadily changing around them and a long-standing legacy of gang loyalty. Though Carson continues to evolve, the presence of Santana Blocc remains deeply rooted in its streets. While their physical influence may shift over time, their cultural impact, neighborhood ties, and reputation continue to adapt and survive within the ever-changing landscape of South Los Santos.