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  2. trip down the memory lane. i miss yall
  3. The Valenti crime family, also known as the Los Santos crime family, is an Italian-American organized crime group that has operated primarily in the state of San Andreas, with its historical base of operations in Los Santos. The organization emerged from an East Coast–affiliated Mafia migration in the late 1980s and adopted many of the customs, hierarchy, and operational norms associated with American La Cosa Nostra. For several decades, the Valenti family was regarded by law enforcement as the dominant Mafia syndicate on the West Coast, exercising influence across illicit markets and, at its height, maintaining leverage within certain legitimate industries through corruption, intimidation, and control of contracting and labor pipelines. Its power reached its peak under the leadership of longtime boss Santino “The Butcher” Valenti, before entering a prolonged decline beginning in the early 2010s driven by sustained federal prosecutions under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), waves of informant cooperation, internal leadership collapse, and competition from newer and less structured criminal groups such as the Bellantonio crime family. By the mid-2020s, investigators widely described the Valentis as severely diminished and fragmented, though some analysts continued to argue that remnants of the network persisted, operating through insulated cells rather than a visible centralized hierarchy. Origins and East Coast migration The origins of the Valenti crime family are generally traced to 1987, when a small Genovese-linked crew relocated from New York to Los Santos with the approval of the East Coast hierarchy. The move was reportedly sanctioned as a strategic expansion into a comparatively underdeveloped territory for traditional Mafia rackets, particularly those reliant on cash flow, enforcement capacity, and the ability to penetrate small businesses with limited initial attention from major task forces. Early operations centered on sports betting, loan sharking, and illegal pornography distribution, activities that generated steady revenue while providing avenues for extortion and laundering. The crew’s rapid success encouraged further migration, and by 1992 more mafiosi had shifted operations to Los Santos. The expansion began to create unease within the Genovese orbit, where senior figures reportedly viewed the West Coast outpost as increasingly autonomous, and it also drew the ire of the Petrulli crime family, a long-established Los Santos organization that had dominated the city’s underworld since the 1930s. Tensions escalated throughout 1992 and 1993 as both sides competed for gambling routes, loansharking territories, and protection rackets tied to neighborhood businesses. In October 1993, gunmen opened fire on a grocery store in East Los Santos, killing one individual and injuring another. The survivor was later identified by authorities as Santino Valenti. The shooting ignited a bloody Mafia war that lasted roughly two years and resulted in at least 23 mob-related deaths, according to law enforcement estimates. The war is widely regarded as the event that reintroduced large-scale organized crime violence to San Andreas after a period of relative quiet and established Valenti’s faction as the city’s new dominant Mafia force. The Butcher’s reign (1993–2011) From 1993 to 2011, the family entered its defining era under Santino “The Butcher” Valenti. Under Valenti, the organization expanded aggressively across San Andreas and developed a reputation for both financial sophistication and strategic violence. Investigators attributed to the family a diversified criminal portfolio including racketeering, extortion, construction kickbacks, bid rigging, illegal gambling, loansharking, and large-scale money laundering. The organization’s influence was believed to extend into legitimate sectors through controlled contracting pipelines, bribery of gatekeepers, and the cultivation of intermediaries who insulated senior decision-makers. Valenti’s administration was commonly described as modeled on East Coast tradition in structure, but his relationship with the Genovese crime family deteriorated significantly during his rise and reign. Underworld accounts described the Valentis’ West Coast independence as a continuing point of friction, with Santino Valenti resisting outside direction and viewing East Coast oversight as a threat to his autonomy and earnings. By the late 1990s and early 2000s, Santino Valenti was often described as operating in open defiance of Genovese influence. Mafia traditionalists in New York reportedly viewed Valenti as a boss who had benefited from East Coast legitimacy and then severed practical obligations once he consolidated power. The relationship was further strained by Valenti’s aggressive expansion, his alleged willingness to absorb or neutralize rival crews without Commission-style diplomacy, and his reputation for cultivating an underworld celebrity profile that New York bosses considered unnecessary attention. As a result, while the Valenti family was still regarded as part of the broader Cosa Nostra world, it was frequently treated as an outsider organization that could not be relied upon to follow East Coast norms. Despite efforts to remain discreet, the family’s wealth became increasingly visible. Court records and investigative accounts later described a conspicuous lifestyle associated with Valenti and his inner circle, including luxury properties held through nominees and shell companies, high-end vehicles, and memberships in exclusive clubs. Federal scrutiny intensified throughout the 2000s. Although Valenti was acquitted of a high-profile murder charge in 2008 involving the death of his former friend and reputed underboss Paul Nunziatta, investigators continued building broader racketeering cases. On May 29, 2011, Valenti was convicted of racketeering and conspiracy, marking the end of nearly three decades of dominance and triggering a succession crisis that would define the next decade. Though eligible for parole in 2036, his imprisonment removed the family’s central stabilizing figure, and the organization’s leadership structure began to fracture. Infighting and indictments (2011–2014) The years immediately following Valenti’s conviction were characterized by rapid turnover at the top, internal factionalism, and heightened vulnerability to federal prosecutions. Underworld and law enforcement sources commonly identified Anthony Solari as the first successor to assume day-to-day control after the Butcher’s removal. Solari’s administration was described as an interim attempt to maintain continuity with Valenti-era discipline while the organization adjusted to the loss of its patriarch and assessed legal exposure. His tenure was brief and marked by mounting federal pressure, as investigators intensified surveillance and pursued secondary prosecutions aimed at collapsing the remaining hierarchy. Following Solari, Joey “Buddha” Panzarino, a street boss and former captain associated with the Tony’s Liquor crew, was believed to have assumed control of day-to-day activities as acting boss, only to later face a RICO conviction. Leadership then shifted to Anthony Corsaro, whose administration initially brought a measure of stability and relied heavily on seasoned figures from Valenti’s inner circle, including Gino “Gigi” Giordano, Ray Avena, and Paul “Duke” Carducci. In late 2012, the family’s fragile equilibrium collapsed when Corsaro and Carducci disappeared under suspicious circumstances. Their disappearance created a vacuum and fueled speculation of internal purges and retaliatory violence. Vincent “Bulldog” Malacci, widely described as Valenti’s former driver and bodyguard, assumed control of the family for a short period before he also vanished. As scrutiny mounted, out-of-state branches in Florida, San Diego, and San Fierro attempted to influence succession, complicating leadership legitimacy. Florida-based captain Stephen Cersani was installed as boss, but his reign ended abruptly amid another damaging series of indictments. Informant cooperation proved especially devastating. Lucas Santora and Frank Nappi, both deeply embedded in Valenti operations, testified in major Mafia trials that exposed internal structure and revenue channels, eroding the secrecy culture the organization had inherited from its East Coast lineage. Underworld rumor frequently held that Samuel “Sammy the Beak” Beccarini, Valenti’s longtime consigliere, served as a de facto leader behind the scenes, using rotating figureheads as buffers. Beccarini later faced arrest and imprisonment, further destabilizing the family. The year 2014 marked the end of the immediate post-Butcher succession scramble and the beginning of a more chaotic transitional phase in which would-be reformers attempted to seize power. On January 1, 2014, Nicholas Diopare, a former Valenti captain known as “the Apache,” was murdered in a brazen daylight shooting that media outlets dubbed the “New Year’s Day Massacre.” Diopare had been one of the more visible internal contenders to restore structure after the wave of disappearances, and his killing was widely interpreted as a message that the boss seat remained contested and dangerous. Underworld accounts frequently attributed the killing to rival faction maneuvering, with particular suspicion falling on Oakland-based soldier Anthony Sutera, though no charges were filed and the case remained unresolved. Rise of the Bellantonio family (2014–2018) In the aftermath of Diopare’s murder and continuing fragmentation, the Valenti family’s instability created space for younger criminals less committed to traditional Mafia norms. Michael “The Snake” Sarino and Joseph Bellantonio formed a renegade crew that evolved into the Bellantonio crime family. Traditional mobsters derided the group as “Mickey Mouse gangsters,” emphasizing their perceived recklessness, looser recruitment standards, and street gang–like volatility. Despite this reputation, the Bellantonios grew rapidly and became the most visible organized crime force in East Los Santos by the mid-2010s. Sarino was widely rumored to have previously worked as a driver for Anthony Sutera and was later linked by law enforcement intelligence to multiple killings, including the murders of Sutera and Sarino’s mentor, captain Patrick Durante, earning him the nickname “The Snake.” In 2016, Sarino was shot and killed by his own associates, but the organization’s expansion continued under Joseph Bellantonio. By the late 2010s, the Bellantonio family had eclipsed the Valentis in street-level dominance, forcing the remnants of the Valenti organization into retreat or quiet adaptation. Resurgence attempts and the Valenti–Bellantonio war (2015–2021) Multiple efforts were made to revive the Valenti family between 2015 and 2019. A coordinated resurgence effort emerged in 2015 under Frank Carna, a figure linked to the San Diego-based Lorenzo Valenti crew. Carna sought to broker alliances among rival factions and position himself as a peacemaker in the turbulent Los Santos underworld, reportedly forming a short-lived ruling panel with Robert Luppino and Joseph Bellantonio. The alliance collapsed after Carna died in a car accident while traveling back East, triggering renewed fragmentation. A more credible revival appeared to coincide with the prison releases of Samuel “Sammy the Beak” Beccarini in 2018 and Donald “Ducks” Rigazzi in 2019. In the same period, tensions with the Bellantonio crime family escalated into a sustained turf war that drew national attention and produced numerous killings and disappearances. The conflict was widely portrayed as a clash between a weakened traditional family struggling to reclaim its footing and a newer rival whose culture was defined by volatility and street-level aggression. Bonanno involvement and Commission standing (2019–present) The Valenti crime family’s standing with the New York Mafia Commission has historically been described as peripheral and conditional, shaped by its West Coast geography and its uneven relationships with East Coast families. During Santino Valenti’s reign, the family’s poor relationship with the Genovese crime family placed it at a disadvantage within traditional Commission politics. Underworld accounts described Valenti as resistant to outside direction, and the family was frequently viewed in New York circles as independent to the point of liability. As a result, Commission interest in Los Santos was often framed less as stewardship of the Valentis and more as occasional intervention to prevent instability from becoming a national law-enforcement problem. Bonanno involvement did not become a significant factor until 2019, when the Valenti–Bellantonio war threatened to spiral into an uncontrolled cycle of retaliatory violence. Underworld reporting described the arrival of Joseph “The Barber” Uttaro, a reputed Bonanno caporegime and Commission-linked intermediary, as a turning point. Uttaro’s role was commonly characterized as that of an outside stabilizer tasked with forcing a settlement that would reduce killings, limit collateral attention, and impose a functional separation of rackets to prevent future escalation. The peace that followed was frequently described as a Commission-friendly outcome, not because it restored Valenti dominance, but because it created a workable ceasefire in a region that had become increasingly visible. The settlement was later regarded as one of the first instances in years where the West Coast conflict was contained through a traditional Cosa Nostra-style mediation rather than spiraling into prolonged factional warfare. Modern decline and the Grumo administration (2020–2024) By the early 2020s, the Valenti family increasingly appeared to prioritize survival and insulation over expansion. A key transitional figure was Paul Grumo (1966–2024), a Tampa-born administrator who rose to become acting boss during the family’s fragile rebuilding period. Grumo was described as markedly different from Santino Valenti in style, favoring low visibility, internal consolidation, and the careful reconstruction of revenue channels disrupted by prior indictments and defections. Under his stewardship, the organization reduced overt violence and shifted toward quieter forms of money movement and influence, while attempting to preserve enough cohesion to prevent splintering. Grumo’s administration was often characterized as a containment strategy. Rather than attempting to reclaim the sweeping territorial dominance of the Butcher era, the family narrowed its exposure by limiting who had access to sensitive information, reducing the number of direct touch points between senior figures and street-level operations, and leaning more heavily on intermediaries and trusted earners. This approach was reinforced by the realities of the post-2019 environment, in which the family had already endured a public war, growing surveillance, and a shrinking recruitment pool. Underworld accounts frequently described Grumo as an internal mediator who prioritized predictability, internal discipline, and the avoidance of flashy conduct that could create investigative leverage. In 2021, the family suffered a major disruption when a federal investigation triggered by the disappearance of soldier Arnold Brigone uncovered a sophisticated state-wide money laundering network orchestrated by captain Lucas “Pags” Pagano. Investigators described the operation as one of the most ambitious financial schemes ever attributed to the Los Santos Mafia. The laundering network reportedly relied on shell corporations and legitimate fronts such as farms, service firms, and agricultural wholesalers, converting illicit proceeds into seemingly lawful revenue while also evading taxes through layered bookkeeping and controlled disbursements. The resulting indictments named Pagano, Grumo, Rudolph Guercini, and Carmine “Baggs” Baggalia among the high-ranking figures, and law enforcement widely described the case as the most damaging blow to the family since Santino Valenti’s imprisonment. The case not only removed key earners and administrators but also forced the family to reassess how it moved money, how it compartmentalized decision-making, and how it insulated leadership from financial tracing. Transition to the Dippolitos (2024–present) In 2024, Paul Grumo died suddenly, with underworld accounts and investigators commonly attributing the death to an apparent heart attack. His death created another leadership vacuum at a moment when the organization’s senior ranks had already been depleted by indictments and violence. The transition that followed was widely described as the final major structural reorientation of the Valenti crime family in the post-Butcher era. Rather than elevating another short-lived figurehead, the family consolidated authority within a small leadership nucleus associated with William and Michael Dippolito. The shift represented a movement away from a single stabilizing administrator toward a dual-track model in which revenue control, enforcement credibility, and internal arbitration were coordinated through a tightly managed inner circle. By the time Grumo died, underworld observers argued that the Dippolitos had already become essential to the family’s stability in practice. William was commonly described as the figure most capable of preventing fragmentation because of his calm reputation, his ability to conduct sitdowns without provoking challenges, and his role as an allocator of rackets in an era when fewer rackets remained worth fighting over. Michael was commonly described as the operational counterpart, valued for his control of earners, his ability to enforce compliance quietly, and his role in sustaining low-exposure revenue streams that could survive the post-2021 investigative environment. The transition also marked a clearer articulation of the family’s modern operating philosophy. Under the Dippolitos, authority was maintained through tight compartmentalization, a reduced leadership footprint, and the use of buffers to separate senior figures from street activity. Disputes were increasingly handled through private sitdowns, and violence was treated as a last resort due to the legal exposure it created. The family’s day-to-day functioning was frequently described as performance-based, with influence tied to who could produce revenue, keep their people out of headlines, and preserve internal order without creating investigative openings. In this period, the Bonanno channel that had emerged during the 2019 war was increasingly described as beneficial to the new Valenti leadership nucleus. Under this view, Bonanno-linked relationships provided a form of external credibility at a moment when the Valentis had suffered repeated leadership collapses, indictments, and informant damage. Rather than granting formal recognition or direct oversight, the Bonanno connection was seen as providing practical support through structured dispute resolution, the maintenance of non-interference agreements with rival groups, and selective introductions that allowed the Valentis to remain connected to broader Cosa Nostra business norms even as their domestic footprint shrank. Sicilian Mafia ties and the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina In the modern era, investigators and underworld sources increasingly attributed portions of Valenti narcotics and money-movement activity to transnational relationships with Italian organized crime groups, particularly Calabrian ’Ndrangheta networks and Sicilian-linked intermediaries. These relationships were most often described as pragmatic business arrangements rather than formal alliances, structured to give the Valentis access to wholesale supply while providing Italian counterparts with distribution reach and laundering opportunities in San Andreas. A key nexus in these accounts was the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina, a Calabrian ’Ndrangheta clan reportedly involved in international cocaine trafficking. Underworld reporting described the ’Ndrina as operating through a web of intermediaries that sometimes included Sicilian-connected facilitators who could broker introductions, resolve disputes, and guarantee credibility between groups that otherwise did not share direct organizational lineage. In this framework, Sicilian ties were less commonly portrayed as command relationships and more often as connective tissue, with respected intermediaries vouching for participants, establishing terms, and ensuring transactional compliance around debt, delivery schedules, and retaliation protocols. The Valenti family’s strongest reported connection to the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina was said to have flowed through networks linked to Michael Dippolito and his associate Giannis Savas, who allegedly facilitated shipments routed through Las Venturas and rural Bone County. These channels were described as using desert landing strips and logistics corridors disguised as agricultural transport, allowing product to enter San Andreas with reduced exposure. Analysts framed this relationship as part of a broader Mafia economic shift in which weakened domestic La Cosa Nostra groups increasingly relied on external suppliers with stronger upstream control. In this model, the Valentis’ value was local distribution capacity, debt enforcement, and laundering expertise, while the Storti–Siraca ’Ndrina’s value was access to international supply and a disciplined trafficking infrastructure. Sicilian intermediaries, where referenced, were typically described as transactional brokers who bridged cultural and operational differences between American crews and Italian counterparts and helped maintain trust without direct, high-risk contact between leadership figures. Current status By the mid-2020s, the Valenti crime family was widely assessed as severely diminished and fragmented, operating at a small fraction of its former size. Unlike the Butcher era, when the organization was believed to maintain clear command authority over crews and territories, the modern Valentis were described as a loose constellation of aging members, long-time associates, and semi-independent crews bound more by personal history than by an enforceable centralized hierarchy. Law enforcement officials often noted that defining the family’s contemporary structure was difficult because remaining members appeared to have adopted increased compartmentalization, reduced communications, and greater reliance on buffers to avoid surveillance and conspiracy exposure. Geographically, remnants were thought to persist in Los Santos and older outposts such as San Diego, San Fierro, and Florida, with occasional corridors extending toward Las Venturas. Rather than controlling territory through visible street power, the family was described as operating through selective influence, quiet loansharking, discreet money movement, and laundering arrangements tied to legitimate businesses. Some accounts suggested that surviving Valenti-connected figures increasingly relied on non-Italian intermediaries who served as practical shields, allowing older mafiosi to reduce direct exposure while still benefiting from revenue streams. The aftermath of the 2021 Pagano laundering case continued to shape operations, with analysts arguing that the organization shifted toward smaller transactions, less centralized cash pooling, and cautious legitimate mixing designed to reduce the risk of another sweeping financial indictment. Investigators remained divided on whether the Valenti crime family still functioned as a coherent family or had become a collection of residual relationships operating under an old name. One view held that the organization was effectively defunct, with most senior figures dead, imprisoned, missing, or retired. Another argued that the Valentis had evolved into a quieter formation, operating through insulated cells and legitimate business entanglements, with fewer members but a higher degree of caution and adaptability. What was broadly agreed upon was that the modern Valenti organization bore little resemblance to the syndicate that once dominated Los Santos under Santino Valenti, and its decline was commonly framed as part of a broader West Coast pattern in which traditional Mafia structures were eroded by RICO enforcement, demographic shifts, competition from agile criminal enterprises, and the increasing sophistication of financial surveillance. Out of Character Information Established in 2007, the Valenti crime family is renowned for providing the most authentic portrayal of the American Cosa Nostra on the West Coast. Our commitment to realism is evident in our structure, activities, behavior, long-standing characters and intricate storylines. The Valenti crime family's role-play standards are exceptionally high, and as such, recruitment and progression is handled strictly in-character in a realistic manner. Our faction operates with a character-first and realism-focused mindset, leading to organic, well-paced development and highly immersive role-play. Only those with unwavering commitment, quality role-play abilities, and a mindset focused on character development should attempt to join. If your main goal is to climb the ranks, accumulate riches or anything other than engage in realistic role-play, this faction is not for you. Those interested in joining should focus on developing a multi-dimensional character who adds to the realism of our setting. Characters of all backgrounds and ethnicities are welcome, provided their association with the organization is realistic. Ensure your name is authentic, such as John Romano or John Morello, and avoid unrealistic names like John Galloscianino or John Morrelo. Authenticity is paramount, and we will require a name change if this criterion is not met. Aspiring recruits are advised to develop a criminal MO for their character or find another way for their character to become an asset and/or vulnerable to our characters in some manner as a pathway to joining. The Valenti crime family's leadership reserves the right to authorize a character kill on those who work for the organization for any reason deemed fit. Feel free to post any questions or comments about the Valenti crime family in this thread. Any complaints should be handled through private messages. Only those with permission from an inductee may post screenshots on this thread. Those interested in interacting with us are welcome to join our public Discord channel (link below) where we provide notifications for upcoming business openings. https://discord.gg/2kdpkDvxbp
  4. Recruitment for this faction is strictly handled in-character. We expect all members to follow the rules, remain respectful, and stay committed to both their character’s growth and the faction’s development. Constructive criticism will be part of the process, and we encourage you to carve out your own unique path within the faction. Our goal is to bring a realistic gang presence to Mirror Park, Los Santos. It is advised that you start in your teens to get a good fresh start on development in the area. Once you join, you are required to give Character Kill (CK) permission. This ensures that character development remains a top priority within the faction. If you are not comfortable with the faction having control over certain aspects of your character’s story, including necessary modifications for immersion, then this may not be the right faction for you. We refuse to be just another senseless and generic faction. We have our own vision and approach to keep the experience fresh and immersive. If this interests you and you want to be part of it, remember that strong character development and realism are key. Details on CK permissions, faction rules, backstory, and more can be found in our Discord, which you can join here. As of right now, we're currently an INVITE ONLY faction. For any questions or concerns about the faction or its members, feel free to contact @shmoney
  5. Despite its close proximity to the luxury homes and tourist traps of Vinewood, Mirror Park has been a hotbed for criminal activity for decades. This stark contrast between affluence and poverty has long been a breeding ground for various illicit activities, generating a complex narrative of urban decay amid wealth. In the 1950s and 60s, the Los Santos City Government constructed a series of low-income public housing homes aimed at providing affordable living spaces for those in need. Many low-income Hispanic and Black families from gentrifying areas in West and Downtown Los Santos moved to these buildings, seeking refuge from rising rents and social displacement. However, nearby gangs from Murrieta Heights also moved in, exploiting the vulnerabilities of residents struggling to make ends meet. Youth from Mirror Park seeking to escape poverty or fit in began to either join these gangs or form their own in resistance. Murder Park Locos was one such group, formed in the 1990s as a clique of the Primera Flats gang which was based in South Central. In the late 1990s, tensions over territory led to the fracturing of relations between Murder Park Locos and the Murrieta Heights clique of the Primera Flats gang. With Murrieta Heights murdering Victor Gomez, a founding member of Murder Park Locos in 1997. In response Murder Park Locos molded itself into one of the Eastside's most violent cliques. Their internal rivalry with the Murrieta Heights clique, has produced one of the deadliest gang wars in the area since the 1990s. From 1998 to 2004, twenty-four people were killed in the war, including the brutal murder of eighteen-year-old Murrieta Heights clique member Johnathan Howard, who was stabbed to death by Murder Park Locos member Jason Aguilera in a brawl in 2003. While the killings slowed down in the mid-2000s, they did not stop; in 2011, twenty-six-year-old Jose Rodriguez, a leader of Murder Park Locos, was gunned down in a drive-by shooting by Ashley Rojas and David Clarke of Murrieta Heights. In 2015, LSPD brought a massive indictment down on both gangs, arresting several dozen members and handing out a slew of charges. Caine Suarez, Lisa Rodriguez, and Kevin Sanchez of Murder Park Locos, along with Anthony Johnson, Lauren Perez, James Perez, and Tiffany Chambers of Murietta Heights, were all sentenced to twenty-five to life in prison for their roles in murders tied to the war. While the war has never officially ended, the indictments of the two gangs severely diminished the activity of both groups and significantly reduced the violence between them. However, according to LSPD, in 2024, Oscar Alamilla and Marcus York, members of Murder Park Locos, murdered Murrietta Heights leader Jerome Tate in a drive-by shooting. Erica Rivera, an alleged member of Murder Park Locos, was arrested for gun trafficking in January of this year. Both of these incidents show the resurgence of the gang, whose members can often be seen around Mirror Park, Los Santos.
  6. Yesterday
  7. Last week
  8. The issue is not the server cap, but the lack of players on the server; you ask 10 people why and you'll get 10 different answers. But RAGE is the future of LS-RP and as far as I'm aware, SAMP is not something that's going to be considered again, at least not right now or in the foreseeable future.
  9. Even if they did, who will play? The server was open the whole month and barely get 15 players... Management saying that RAGE is the future of LSRP.
  10. Hey folks, What about the they get back samp server but with limited slots. Around 100-200? Lemme know your opinions!
  11. Ezekiel Andile Martinez was born on June 19th, 2007. born as an older twin to Isaiah Elijah Martinez, his younger sibling. Born to a Roman Catholic (mexican branch) in Netcare Christiaan Barnard Memorial Hospital, Cape Town, The Western Cape, South Africa, to Cameron Martinez, a soldier, whose family are Afro-Mexicans in the United States as well as taking part in wars in the US Army as well as the Civil Rights Movement with Cameron losing his life in Afghanistan, and Michelle Kagiso Xulu, a firefighter, whose family has heritage dating to the Zulu tribe. At age 3, Ezekiel and Isaiah were traumatized. At dinner time on June 21st, 2010, the Afrikaans Resistance Movement- A Neo-Nazi movement entered their home and shouted racist slurs against them. When Michelle, their mother, screamed, the twins moved to protect her, but the Afrikaans Resistance Movement shot her as well, killing her instantly. In the moment it happened, Ezekiel and Isaiah lost it to rage and RAN towards them. They were slashed on their stomach and chest, leaving an X Mark. From age 3 to 10, for 7 years, they would go through a horrible bunch of abusive foster families that abused them, starved them, treated them like free labor, and hit them to break them. These treatments caused a lot of resentment, but they complied to be able to survive. At age 9, they found their way to the final foster home of Santiago Juan Sanchez, who was on vacation when he found them. He took them with him to the States and treated them fairly, but before he could find further care, he died in a car crash. Finally, they found stability in the form of Jane Claire Kirkland, a family friend whose mother was a friend of their mother. She took them to live with her in Liberty City, taking 3 years to earn their trust fully. During this time, they learned to read, write, and speak in English, Zulu, Afrikaans, and a bit of Mexican Spanish at their own request to honor Santiago. This took 3 years until they were ready, and with her, they moved to Los Santos as they officially saw her as their mother.
  12. danutforeverforeverdanut gz hffh
  13. • Jungles Can Be Deceiving (1969-1970s) The Black P. Stones Nation (BPSN), formally known as the Main 21 or Blackstone Rangers, was introduced to Chamberlain Hills, Los Santos, in 1969 by a teenager, T. Roberts. A native clique called the Jungle Boys had already been claiming the tropical-landscaped area for a few years, specifically controlling an apartment complex by the name of Cedar Hatchers. Roberts started meeting other kids from the neighborhood, sharing his insight and philosophy on the Black P. Stones before eventually recruiting them to become members. After having himself enrolled in Brinson High School, he had ended up recruiting even more members, and those members tallied up more members, leading them to grow in the hundreds. Roberts intended on overseeing a community-based organization according to the original agenda of the Black P. Stone Nation, until becoming Blood affiliated during the rise of gang culture in Los Santos. Even as the Black P. Stones evolved into LS Bloods, Roberts still held members up to the standards of the original philosophy. There were rules, such as members being required to talk and not fight through their disagreements, as well as straying away from neglecting women and their elders. The Black P. Stones also followed a street code that obligated them to ensure no innocent people would be hurt at their fault, never drive-by on a rival, nor indulge in the killing between other Blood sets. Roberts felt as if being organized with a street code meant the Black P. Stones would be better at controlling conflict with enemies and stopping violence in their neighborhood, but by the mid-1970s Blood and Crip gangs had expanded all throughout Los Santos with new generations of members who didn't share the same codes as them. "That's how we feel. We die? It's like, we go kill one of them." said a BPS member loitering in front of the Cedar Hatchers welcoming sign. He was killed a week after this interview. As the streets rained colder the Black Stones had to align themselves accordingly, prioritizing their profit and notoriety to avoid being belittled by any other rivals. The Black P. Stones had dealt a hand in the drug trade, setting up shop in their home field, Chamberlain Hills, and another area nicknamed the City. Traffic remained consistent, which led to the deterioration of what Los Santos once considered a "lavish" environment, with the Black Stones being at fault. As the years passed, the gang had diseased their neighborhood with drugs like cocaine, methamphetamine, and etcetera. Although the Black Stones had themselves a fair share in the street business, they had a hard time working their way out of that underdog dynamic, especially with the popularity and size of the Crips around that time. Most of their members caught cases frequently, always having to up the ante, which usually led to incarceration. The Black Stones remained limited to the bounds of their territory since having little-to-no alliances around the time, settling for the control of their area and nothing much more. • Media & Entertainment (1988-2000s) The Black P. Stones have had a few cameos in infamous movies that depicted the reality of Los Santos' gang culture. Movies like Colors, White Men Can't Jump, and Training Day have scenes that were shot smack-dab in Chamberlain Hills. Two of those movies actually involved T. Roberts on and off the screen, serving as an uncredited technical advisor in Training Day and also providing the film crew safe passage for their two weeks. Rumor has it that Roberts was initially given the role of a snitch in Colors but turned it down in receptiveness, which led them to write his role specifically for him. A spike in tourism occurred in the Jungles, which led to the territory of a gang now being an attraction for out-of-towners. Buses would stroll through their section every so often, leading them to act upon countless crime of opportunity instances. The Maze Bank Arena had slimmed down the cashflow of the gang as well, while shifting them in a riskier aspect of criminality all at the same time. Members of the Black Stones used to fish outside of the populated arena, handpicking victims that seemed valuable enough to furthermore plot on. The ball was in their court, as they knew the ins and outs of their territory despite the LSPD upping enforcement in the area. It had gotten to a point where the Maze Bank Arena had to shut down for "remodeling" due to the antics of a local street gang. "I mean, it's pretty ridiculous, we have fans scared to come and watch their favorite team play because of the gang violence surrounding it," said a venue manager, overseeing specifically the Maze Bank Arena. An attractive landmark being so close to their territory introduced a high-scaled methodology of invading homes, having a set regimen to follow on any plot chosen to be carried out. Celebrities discontinued renting within the gang's radius as they knew there would be a chance of them becoming a target. The new scheme took a toll on the street gang as well, though, taking away a handful of figureheads within the neighborhood, most of them being tricked off the streets for good due to the third-strike law in San Andreas. On a more positive note, T. Roberts still was able to complete a partial part of what the Black Stones initially sought out to do, participating in community activism and pushing forth peace efforts. Roberts had become even more involved after the 1992 L.S. Riots, acting as a frontrunner when it came to gang intervention and conflict resolution. A good image was what the Black P. Stones needed around that time, and Roberts was the face of all of it. He and his efforts left an imprint on the mission of familiarizing the rest of the world with gang culture in Los Santos. • Conflict Turned Cold (2005-2016) The Black P. Stones have always been known to match the tempo of their enemies. Rollin 40 Crip, West Boulevard Crip, and 18th Street have been participating in a long-lasting feud against the Black Stones for a while, making them their immediate enemies. After the ceasefires in the city died down, the conflict started to boil, with activated members planning on pushing an even harder line. The Jungles had sat in a hub filled with Neighborhood sets, making it almost impossible to avoid violence if they tried, which unfortunately led the gang into its rude awakening. A win for the gang didn't seem too realistic in their circumstances, losing countless members to this multi-gang war they've involved themselves in. Members even tried directly allying with other sets, a notable mention being the Rollin 20s Neighborhood Bloods, but ultimately nothing seemed to boost their chances of survival. It seemed like the gang was inching closer and closer to defectivity as the years went on, with their members either falling victim to the system or their enemies. Black Stone members had their territory shrunk at the cost of the war, only being able to claim a sector of Forum Drive and Strawberry Avenue. The B.J. Smith Recreation Center and Park was once one of their hangout spots, but no longer due to the stronghold the Crips had over that particular area. A rebirth was needed for the Black P. Stones if they didn't want to go extinct. Gangs around that time had no mercy for their enemies and were willing to do whatever to move up the ranks. Forced to disembark from the straightforward violence, the gang became more orientated around money, delving back into the art of hustling dope. This is where the Cedar Hatchers had made a name, nearly being the go-to spot for addicts to find a fix. There were a few hiccups down the line, with the Crips and other rival gangs still plotting, kicking in the doors to their dope holes and strongarming their stashes. The Black Stones remained unfazed and continued on with the funding of the war, stacking up their increments for what was ahead of them. • Shaking Back (Present Day) Recruitment is all the Black Stones have been worried about in this day and age. You can see them congregating with teenagers in bounds of their territory, unconsciously inflecting their immature minds with the influence of the gang ways. There has never been any room for suckers in the gang, only wishing to come across some of the most ruthless individuals. Some younger members have been seen on Facebrowser claiming a clique by the name "Park Money Boys," originated by the deceased B-Red Williams in the year 2016. It seems like they are starting to push harder for ownership of Forum Drive, making rounds from there to Strawberry Avenue frequently. Although the consistency of evenly-divided cash flow between members has decreased, a small portion of them still continue on with the older traditions of the gang, setting up grab-and-go houses inside of the Cedar Hatchers. As of now, the Black P. Stones are in a constant fight for revival as a functional street gang. It's no secret that their members carry a different type of aggression and hatred for their enemies, becoming far more down for the cause. The Park Money Boys are one of the only cliques under the Black P. Stones and basically the face of it, so they feel obligated to carry it accordingly. Modern members take the path of either rapping, hustling, or murder to make it pass in the Jungles. With the LSPD and enemies on their back, they struggle from time to time with arrests and death. Black Stone members spend their daily lives redeeming the reputation they once had, wavering the rest of South LS in their favor.
  14. Welcome to Q5ive Modification Showcase Room where I showcase my best work. Unfortunately, my Patreon was disabled and I'm unable to make a new one so I take private commissions through my discord or personal message. You can get in contact with me by joining my discord. CLOTHING: ENVs: JEWELRY: CURRENTLY PRIVATE CUSTOM COMMISSIONS FOR CLOTHES, JEWELRY, ENVS, TATTOOS, ETC ETC... IS OPEN, JOIN MY DISCORD TO LEARN MORE
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