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The issue is not the server cap, but the lack of players on the server; you ask 10 people why and you'll get 10 different answers. But RAGE is the future of LS-RP and as far as I'm aware, SAMP is not something that's going to be considered again, at least not right now or in the foreseeable future.

Even if they did, who will play? The server was open the whole month and barely get 15 players... Management saying that RAGE is the future of LSRP.

Hey folks, What about the they get back samp server but with limited slots. Around 100-200? Lemme know your opinions!

Good faction

come back soontm

Ezekiel Andile Martinez was born on June 19th, 2007. born as an older twin to Isaiah Elijah Martinez, his younger sibling. Born to a Roman Catholic (mexican branch) in Netcare Christiaan Barnard Memorial Hospital, Cape Town, The Western Cape, South Africa, to Cameron Martinez, a soldier, whose family are Afro-Mexicans in the United States as well as taking part in wars in the US Army as well as the Civil Rights Movement with Cameron losing his life in Afghanistan, and Michelle Kagiso Xulu, a firefighter, whose family has heritage dating to the Zulu tribe. At age 3, Ezekiel and Isaiah were traumatized. At dinner time on June 21st, 2010, the Afrikaans Resistance Movement- A Neo-Nazi movement entered their home and shouted racist slurs against them. When Michelle, their mother, screamed, the twins moved to protect her, but the Afrikaans Resistance Movement shot her as well, killing her instantly. In the moment it happened, Ezekiel and Isaiah lost it to rage and RAN towards them. They were slashed on their stomach and chest, leaving an X Mark. From age 3 to 10, for 7 years, they would go through a horrible bunch of abusive foster families that abused them, starved them, treated them like free labor, and hit them to break them. These treatments caused a lot of resentment, but they complied to be able to survive. At age 9, they found their way to the final foster home of Santiago Juan Sanchez, who was on vacation when he found them. He took them with him to the States and treated them fairly, but before he could find further care, he died in a car crash. Finally, they found stability in the form of Jane Claire Kirkland, a family friend whose mother was a friend of their mother. She took them to live with her in Liberty City, taking 3 years to earn their trust fully. During this time, they learned to read, write, and speak in English, Zulu, Afrikaans, and a bit of Mexican Spanish at their own request to honor Santiago. This took 3 years until they were ready, and with her, they moved to Los Santos as they officially saw her as their mother.

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• Jungles Can Be Deceiving (1969-1970s) The Black P. Stones Nation (BPSN), formally known as the Main 21 or Blackstone Rangers, was introduced to Chamberlain Hills, Los Santos, in 1969 by a teenager, T. Roberts. A native clique called the Jungle Boys had already been claiming the tropical-landscaped area for a few years, specifically controlling an apartment complex by the name of Cedar Hatchers. Roberts started meeting other kids from the neighborhood, sharing his insight and philosophy on the Black P. Stones before eventually recruiting them to become members. After having himself enrolled in Brinson High School, he had ended up recruiting even more members, and those members tallied up more members, leading them to grow in the hundreds. Roberts intended on overseeing a community-based organization according to the original agenda of the Black P. Stone Nation, until becoming Blood affiliated during the rise of gang culture in Los Santos. Even as the Black P. Stones evolved into LS Bloods, Roberts still held members up to the standards of the original philosophy. There were rules, such as members being required to talk and not fight through their disagreements, as well as straying away from neglecting women and their elders. The Black P. Stones also followed a street code that obligated them to ensure no innocent people would be hurt at their fault, never drive-by on a rival, nor indulge in the killing between other Blood sets. Roberts felt as if being organized with a street code meant the Black P. Stones would be better at controlling conflict with enemies and stopping violence in their neighborhood, but by the mid-1970s Blood and Crip gangs had expanded all throughout Los Santos with new generations of members who didn't share the same codes as them. "That's how we feel. We die? It's like, we go kill one of them." said a BPS member loitering in front of the Cedar Hatchers welcoming sign. He was killed a week after this interview. As the streets rained colder the Black Stones had to align themselves accordingly, prioritizing their profit and notoriety to avoid being belittled by any other rivals. The Black P. Stones had dealt a hand in the drug trade, setting up shop in their home field, Chamberlain Hills, and another area nicknamed the City. Traffic remained consistent, which led to the deterioration of what Los Santos once considered a "lavish" environment, with the Black Stones being at fault. As the years passed, the gang had diseased their neighborhood with drugs like cocaine, methamphetamine, and etcetera. Although the Black Stones had themselves a fair share in the street business, they had a hard time working their way out of that underdog dynamic, especially with the popularity and size of the Crips around that time. Most of their members caught cases frequently, always having to up the ante, which usually led to incarceration. The Black Stones remained limited to the bounds of their territory since having little-to-no alliances around the time, settling for the control of their area and nothing much more. • Media & Entertainment (1988-2000s) The Black P. Stones have had a few cameos in infamous movies that depicted the reality of Los Santos' gang culture. Movies like Colors, White Men Can't Jump, and Training Day have scenes that were shot smack-dab in Chamberlain Hills. Two of those movies actually involved T. Roberts on and off the screen, serving as an uncredited technical advisor in Training Day and also providing the film crew safe passage for their two weeks. Rumor has it that Roberts was initially given the role of a snitch in Colors but turned it down in receptiveness, which led them to write his role specifically for him. A spike in tourism occurred in the Jungles, which led to the territory of a gang now being an attraction for out-of-towners. Buses would stroll through their section every so often, leading them to act upon countless crime of opportunity instances. The Maze Bank Arena had slimmed down the cashflow of the gang as well, while shifting them in a riskier aspect of criminality all at the same time. Members of the Black Stones used to fish outside of the populated arena, handpicking victims that seemed valuable enough to furthermore plot on. The ball was in their court, as they knew the ins and outs of their territory despite the LSPD upping enforcement in the area. It had gotten to a point where the Maze Bank Arena had to shut down for "remodeling" due to the antics of a local street gang. "I mean, it's pretty ridiculous, we have fans scared to come and watch their favorite team play because of the gang violence surrounding it," said a venue manager, overseeing specifically the Maze Bank Arena. An attractive landmark being so close to their territory introduced a high-scaled methodology of invading homes, having a set regimen to follow on any plot chosen to be carried out. Celebrities discontinued renting within the gang's radius as they knew there would be a chance of them becoming a target. The new scheme took a toll on the street gang as well, though, taking away a handful of figureheads within the neighborhood, most of them being tricked off the streets for good due to the third-strike law in San Andreas. On a more positive note, T. Roberts still was able to complete a partial part of what the Black Stones initially sought out to do, participating in community activism and pushing forth peace efforts. Roberts had become even more involved after the 1992 L.S. Riots, acting as a frontrunner when it came to gang intervention and conflict resolution. A good image was what the Black P. Stones needed around that time, and Roberts was the face of all of it. He and his efforts left an imprint on the mission of familiarizing the rest of the world with gang culture in Los Santos. • Conflict Turned Cold (2005-2016) The Black P. Stones have always been known to match the tempo of their enemies. Rollin 40 Crip, West Boulevard Crip, and 18th Street have been participating in a long-lasting feud against the Black Stones for a while, making them their immediate enemies. After the ceasefires in the city died down, the conflict started to boil, with activated members planning on pushing an even harder line. The Jungles had sat in a hub filled with Neighborhood sets, making it almost impossible to avoid violence if they tried, which unfortunately led the gang into its rude awakening. A win for the gang didn't seem too realistic in their circumstances, losing countless members to this multi-gang war they've involved themselves in. Members even tried directly allying with other sets, a notable mention being the Rollin 20s Neighborhood Bloods, but ultimately nothing seemed to boost their chances of survival. It seemed like the gang was inching closer and closer to defectivity as the years went on, with their members either falling victim to the system or their enemies. Black Stone members had their territory shrunk at the cost of the war, only being able to claim a sector of Forum Drive and Strawberry Avenue. The B.J. Smith Recreation Center and Park was once one of their hangout spots, but no longer due to the stronghold the Crips had over that particular area. A rebirth was needed for the Black P. Stones if they didn't want to go extinct. Gangs around that time had no mercy for their enemies and were willing to do whatever to move up the ranks. Forced to disembark from the straightforward violence, the gang became more orientated around money, delving back into the art of hustling dope. This is where the Cedar Hatchers had made a name, nearly being the go-to spot for addicts to find a fix. There were a few hiccups down the line, with the Crips and other rival gangs still plotting, kicking in the doors to their dope holes and strongarming their stashes. The Black Stones remained unfazed and continued on with the funding of the war, stacking up their increments for what was ahead of them. • Shaking Back (Present Day) Recruitment is all the Black Stones have been worried about in this day and age. You can see them congregating with teenagers in bounds of their territory, unconsciously inflecting their immature minds with the influence of the gang ways. There has never been any room for suckers in the gang, only wishing to come across some of the most ruthless individuals. Some younger members have been seen on Facebrowser claiming a clique by the name "Park Money Boys," originated by the deceased B-Red Williams in the year 2016. It seems like they are starting to push harder for ownership of Forum Drive, making rounds from there to Strawberry Avenue frequently. Although the consistency of evenly-divided cash flow between members has decreased, a small portion of them still continue on with the older traditions of the gang, setting up grab-and-go houses inside of the Cedar Hatchers. As of now, the Black P. Stones are in a constant fight for revival as a functional street gang. It's no secret that their members carry a different type of aggression and hatred for their enemies, becoming far more down for the cause. The Park Money Boys are one of the only cliques under the Black P. Stones and basically the face of it, so they feel obligated to carry it accordingly. Modern members take the path of either rapping, hustling, or murder to make it pass in the Jungles. With the LSPD and enemies on their back, they struggle from time to time with arrests and death. Black Stone members spend their daily lives redeeming the reputation they once had, wavering the rest of South LS in their favor.

Welcome to Q5ive Modification Showcase Room where I showcase my best work. Unfortunately, my Patreon was disabled and I'm unable to make a new one so I take private commissions through my discord or personal message. You can get in contact with me by joining my discord. CLOTHING: ENVs: JEWELRY: CURRENTLY PRIVATE CUSTOM COMMISSIONS FOR CLOTHES, JEWELRY, ENVS, TATTOOS, ETC ETC... IS OPEN, JOIN MY DISCORD TO LEARN MORE

come back soontm

I repent for endeavouring ingame can i get the samp ip please?

W

Nice

We are BACK!

Street Villains 13 is a predominantly Hispanic street gang based in Los Santos. The group originally formed among local youth who grew up on the same few blocks and shared similar struggles tied to poverty, heavy law enforcement presence, and long-standing neighborhood rivalries. Over time, SV13 expanded to include members from nearby streets who identified with the group’s history and reputation. As the Street Villains’ influence spread throughout South Los Santos, conflicts with neighboring street groups intensified. These rivalries led to repeated cycles of violence, arrests, and incarceration, deeply affecting both the group and the surrounding community. Despite this instability, the Street Villains name continued to carry weight locally, particularly among older members and long-time residents familiar with the neighborhood’s past. The roots of SV13 trace back to the early 1970s, when the area functioned as a loose neighborhood collective often referred to by locals as Stone Haven Varrio, made up of families from multiple cultural backgrounds. By 1974, younger residents began organizing more formally, eventually solidifying what would become known as Street Villains 13. One of the earliest figures linked to the group was a neighborhood resident known as “Low Key,” frequently cited as an influential founding presence. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, growth led to internal separation. Members began identifying with smaller cliques based on age and specific blocks within the neighborhood. While older members continued to represent the original Street Villains identity, younger generations formed localized cliques tied to their immediate surroundings. Despite these divisions, the cliques remained connected through shared territory and history. By the late 1980s, Street Villains 13 had developed several recognized cliques. The most prominent was 43rd Street Locos (LCS), which became closely associated with the SV13 name. This clique should not be confused with 42nd Street Locos, a separate and independent Latino street group operating in a different part of South Los Santos. Other smaller cliques also existed, each maintaining its own identity while still falling under the broader Street Villains umbrella. SV13 shares territory with the Rollin’ 40s Neighborhood Crips, one of the larger and more established gangs in South Los Santos. This close proximity has historically contributed to tension, disputes, and periodic flare-ups between the groups. Members of Street Villains 13 are known to congregate in a narrow alley. Local Los Santos law enforcement has frequently associated this alley with graffiti activity and past gang-related incidents, making it a well-known location tied to the group. South Los Santos has long been marked by economic decline and social neglect. Once viewed as a quiet working-class area, the neighborhood was permanently altered following widespread unrest in 1968, triggered by a confrontation between residents and authorities. The protests and clashes that followed reshaped the community and played a major role in forming the identity and outlook of Street Villains 13 in the decades that followed. STVx3 is widely known for conflicting with nearly every surrounding neighborhood in South Los Santos. The gang has a long-standing reputation for clashing with any hood that refuses to acknowledge their presence or challenges their influence. Because of this mentality, tensions with nearby gangs are nearly constant, and long-term alliances are uncommon. Street Villains 13 is bordered by several rival gangs and has remained active despite decades of conflict. Their most documented rivalries include W/S South Los 13, Hoover-affiliated sets, S/S Playboys 13, W/S Davis 13, and Azteca's 13. These disputes have led to repeated cycles of retaliation, territorial challenges, and increased law enforcement attention throughout the area. One of the most active and volatile conflicts in recent years has centered around Vermont Avenue, where Street Villains 13 and W/S South Los 13 have aligned against the Hoovers. This ongoing war has resulted in frequent confrontations, heightened police patrols, and a steady pattern of violence affecting surrounding blocks. Social media has played a growing role in fueling these tensions. Younger members from different SV13 cliques have been observed moving through rival territory while recording videos, yelling derogatory remarks, and openly disrespecting enemies. Graffiti remains a major method of asserting presence, with Street Villains 13 marking walls throughout contested areas, often crossing out rival tags and placing their own name over them to signal dominance. While fistfights and melee assaults were once the most common form of confrontation, gun-related violence has increased in recent years, particularly among younger members attempting to build reputations within the gang. In 2022, the Los Santos Police Department’s Gang Task Force documented 16 gang-related homicides across sections of South and East Los Santos, many of which were linked to ongoing disputes involving Street Villains 13 and other local street gangs. Law enforcement has identified several known hangout locations for SV13 members, including freeway-adjacent areas, alleyways, and key intersections surrounding their claimed territory. Surveillance and patrol efforts have focused heavily on these locations, though the gang’s decentralized structure has made enforcement efforts difficult. Internally, Street Villains 13 operates through multiple smaller cliques tied to specific blocks or sections of the neighborhood. While younger members often identify primarily with their clique, older members continue to emphasize loyalty to the broader STVx3 name. This generational divide has created differences in how members operate, with older figures favoring structure and reputation, while younger members seek visibility and status through confrontations and online exposure. Despite arrests, injunctions, and sustained police pressure, Street Villains 13 has remained active for over six decades. Their continued presence is largely attributed to deep-rooted neighborhood ties, family connections, and the ability to adapt to changing conditions. As rivalries persist and new generations emerge, STVx3 continues to be regarded as one of the more aggressive and enduring gangs in South Los Santos, maintaining its name through ongoing conflict and territorial defense. Street Villains 13 has also been linked to a steady flow of arrests related to weapons possession, vandalism, and probation violations. Law enforcement reports indicate that many younger members are introduced to the gang through family ties or neighborhood proximity rather than formal recruitment, making enforcement efforts more complex. Officers note that arrests often remove individuals temporarily, but rarely disrupt the broader structure of the gang. The gang’s identity has remained consistent despite changes in leadership and generational turnover. Older members are known to emphasize respect for the STVx3 name and its history, while younger members tend to prioritize visibility and reputation-building through confrontations with rivals. This shift has contributed to an increase in reckless behavior, including public displays of disrespect and confrontations in highly visible areas. As South Los Santos continues to change, Street Villains 13 remains a defining presence within its claimed territory. Ongoing rivalries, territorial disputes, and cycles of retaliation continue to shape daily life in the surrounding neighborhoods. With no clear resolution to these conflicts, STVx3 is expected to remain active, maintaining its influence through a combination of neighborhood loyalty, intimidation, and long-standing street reputation. Inside STVx3, tattoos carry meaning far beyond appearance. They are commonly viewed as records of loyalty, involvement, and time spent within the gang. Unlike regular tattoos, these markings are often believed to be earned through participation and endurance rather than chosen freely. Within the culture, having visible gang tattoos is frequently tied to credibility, with the idea that respect must come from actions connected to the neighborhood and its history. Young members who are first associated with a gang are usually kept at the lowest level. At this stage, they are often expected to handle simple responsibilities that place them close to older members without giving them power. Running errands, carrying messages, or picking up food and drinks from nearby stores are common expectations. These tasks are not viewed as glamorous, but they are considered a test of reliability, patience, and willingness to follow orders without question. Trust is built slowly through consistency rather than sudden acts. As time passes and trust grows, expectations increase. Members who remain active and present begin to gain recognition within the group. In many neighborhoods, reputation becomes tied to how often someone is seen, who they associate with, and how they carry themselves in public. Tattoos representing the set, neighborhood, or number are often seen as proof that a person has contributed something meaningful. Within the gang, the belief exists that the more markings someone has, the more they have done for the hood, even though this perception is often exaggerated or assumed rather than verified. Rank within the gang is sometimes reflected through tattoos, though this is not an official system. Certain placements, sizes, or repetitions of symbols are believed to signal seniority or experience. Older members may carry faded or older tattoos that reflect long-term involvement, while younger members often seek new markings to show they are active and committed. This creates pressure, especially on younger individuals, to permanently mark themselves in order to be taken seriously. Some tattoos carry especially heavy rumors and symbolism. Teardrop tattoos are one of the most well known examples. Within street culture, filled teardrops are often said to represent a confirmed killing, while unfilled teardrops are rumored to represent an unconfirmed act or the loss of someone close. In reality, these meanings are inconsistent and frequently misunderstood, but the assumptions attached to them are powerful and can affect how others perceive and treat the individual. In neighborhoods with a strong gang presence, it is common to see many Hispanic individuals with visible gang tattoos. To those inside the lifestyle, these markings can signal how active someone is or which side of a conflict they belong to. To rivals, they can act as provocation. To law enforcement, they often become identifiers. What is meant to show pride or loyalty can quickly become a reason for targeting, whether by enemies or authorities. The permanence of tattoos is something older members often acknowledge but younger members tend to overlook. While alliances shift, neighborhoods change, and people age out of street life, tattoos remain. Many former members later find that these markings limit job opportunities, attract unwanted attention, and make it difficult to distance themselves from past involvement. What once symbolized respect can become a lasting reminder of decisions made at a young age. Overall, the system of rank and tattoos within Hispanic gangs reflects deeper issues tied to identity, belonging, and survival. For many, tattoos become a way to prove worth in environments where other forms of recognition feel unreachable. While they may bring short-term status within the streets, they often carry long-term consequences that follow individuals well beyond the neighborhood that once demanded them. The 43rd Street Locos are widely regarded as the oldest and most well-known clique tied to the Street Locos name. Within their circle, they are known for a reputation centered on retaliation and loyalty, earning them the nickname of a “get-back” clique. Older members are often described as highly reactive to losses, believing that unanswered violence signals weakness and invites further challenges from rivals. One of the most cited incidents associated with the clique involved a member known on the streets as Silent #4, who was killed outside a neighborhood liquor store during a late-night shooting. Word of the incident spread quickly through the area, and rumors circulated that members of 18th Street were responsible. The killing intensified an already tense rivalry and drew immediate attention from both the streets and law enforcement. Later that same night, several members of the 43rd Street Locos allegedly crossed into rival territory in what authorities would later describe as a retaliatory act. Multiple people were killed during the incident, sending shockwaves through both neighborhoods. Witness reports described a vehicle fleeing the scene at high speed, triggering a large police response across surrounding blocks. The incident ended with a pursuit that resulted in arrests, effectively dismantling much of the clique’s active leadership at the time. The case became a turning point, frequently referenced by law enforcement as an example of how fast retaliation escalates into wider violence. Within the streets, the event cemented the 43rd Street Locos’ reputation as one of the most feared and reckless cliques associated with the Street Locos name. (FTMA) (FaketeenMurdaGang) FTMA, short for FaketeenMurdaGang, formed as a direct result of long-standing hostilities with 18th Street. From its beginning, the clique positioned itself as aggressively anti-18th, adopting a confrontational identity shaped almost entirely by ongoing conflict. Members often describe the rivalry as generational, with no clear starting point and no clear end. Over the years, the feud between FTMA and 18th Street has resulted in repeated arrests, violent confrontations, and long prison sentences. Law enforcement records link the clique to numerous incidents involving assaults and weapons violations. Despite pressure from authorities, FTMA has continued to exist as a symbol of the broader, unresolved war between the two sides. Young Evil Paisa, commonly referred to as YEP, is considered the youngest and most volatile clique connected to the Street Locos. Many of its members grew up surrounded by predominantly Black neighborhoods, particularly areas influenced by Rollin’ 30s and Rollin’ 40s Neighborhood Crips. This proximity heavily shaped their style, behavior, and overall street identity. YEP members are often recognized by their fashion choices, which differ from older cliques. Designer clothing, slim-fit jeans, expensive sneakers, and hoodies are common, reflecting influence from surrounding hoods rather than traditional Hispanic gang aesthetics. Their presence has been frequently noted around 44th Street, where they are known to spend long hours outside and remain highly visible. The clique is especially known for aggressive tagging and wall work, often placing their name in highly contested areas. These markings are used not only to claim space but also to provoke rivals. Law enforcement considers their graffiti activity a key indicator of rising tension in the area, often preceding violent incidents. YEP’s notoriety grew significantly following a major law enforcement operation known as the “44th Street Murders Takedown.” The investigation targeted multiple young members tied to a series of violent crimes, leading to indictments that drew citywide attention. Despite the arrests, YEP continues to be viewed as a dangerous and unpredictable clique, driven by youth, peer pressure, and a desire for recognition. In the present day, Street Villains 13 (STVx3) remains an active and recognizable presence in South Los Santos, continuing to operate in a city that has changed around them but never fully left them behind. While many older gangs have fractured or faded, Street Villains 13 has adapted to modern pressures through generational turnover, social media visibility, and tight neighborhood ties that keep the name alive. Unlike earlier eras where structure was more centralized, today’s Street Villains operate through smaller cliques that move independently while still claiming the larger STVx3 identity. Younger members often prioritize visibility and reputation, while older figures remain more reserved, acting behind the scenes. This split has changed how the gang functions, making it less predictable but harder to dismantle. Social media plays a major role in the gang’s modern identity. Online platforms are frequently used to display presence, mock rivals, and amplify neighborhood disputes. What once stayed within a few blocks can now spread instantly across the city, escalating conflicts faster and drawing increased attention from both enemies and law enforcement. Rivalries continue to define Street Villains 13’s daily reality. Ongoing tensions with multiple Sureño gangs and Hoover-affiliated sets have kept the surrounding area unstable, with disputes often centered around contested streets and intersections. These conflicts rarely resolve and instead cycle through periods of escalation and brief calm before reigniting. Law enforcement pressure on Street Villains 13 has intensified in recent years. Surveillance, gang injunctions, and targeted arrests have disrupted some activity, but the gang’s decentralized nature allows it to recover quickly. Arrests often remove individuals rather than weakening the overall presence, contributing to a constant reshuffling of faces on the street. Economics and the environment continue to play a role in the gang’s persistence. Limited opportunities, overcrowded housing, and generational involvement make it difficult for many youths in the area to avoid exposure. For some, Street Villains 13 represents familiarity and protection in a neighborhood where trust is scarce and outside systems feel distant. At the same time, the consequences of involvement are more visible than ever. Members face increased monitoring, harsher sentencing, and fewer chances to separate themselves from their past. Tattoos, online activity, and known associations make it difficult for individuals to move unnoticed, even as they grow older or attempt to step away. Today, Street Villains 13 exists as both a street organization and a symbol of unresolved issues in South Los Santos. While the methods and faces have changed, the core struggles remain the same. As long as those conditions persist, STVx3 is likely to remain part of the city’s landscape, adapting to the present while carrying the weight of its past.

I feel this, looking at all the memories is awesome, and to not have it up sucks.

one of the best to ever do it

Reinstate!

❤️ had a great time on samp, thanks to the community and staff for the years of fun