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OOC INFORMATION: West Beach Peckerwoods (WBP) is a peckerwood gang operating throughout "West Beach." These areas being Vespucci and Del Perro. Members are either politically driven or money motivated. WBP is not a territorial gang, they care more about their next high. They're mostly latchkey kids abandoned by the system who look to the streets, partying, drinking, and getting high. Some deviate from the party life and get involved in crime ranging from, armed robberies, drug sales, and fraud all to fuel one thing. Their methamphetamine or heroin addiction Most woods end up in the San Andreas prison system because of these addictions and "pursuit of happiness." They're forced to program with the "woodpile" and adhere to the laws set by the one and only prison gang The Aryan Brotherhood.

Independence from the Hell Runners New Jersey chapter came with its costs. Now that the Los Santos chapter stands on its own, every mistake could lead to a life sentence. Steel knows this better than anyone. He’s traded the officer meetings for a rotting corner in the desert. He moves in unmarked vehicles, operates from the shadows, ensuring the club’s teeth are sharp. Officially, he handles the Runners' security and internal issues... Unofficially, he oversees the club's arsenal and manages the technical side of the trade, maintaining the gear and ensuring that when the Runners use their hardware, the authorities find nothing but a cold lead.

big 9ers

"It was like coming back from the dead," said one prisoner in isolation of seeing his own photograph for the first time in over 20 years. "I saw an old man," noted another.

"Profit in the absence of principles".

This is where we're at! Show some love 🖤

So this where my woods at!?

I may genuinely have to slide over here for this project ooowwweeee

lesssss go, habibi.

Another round.

Another top story

Some steel action right there

The Gargoyle Group

Wheelin nd Steel'n

It ain't LSRP without VLNT

W/S SNIDEYZ 924 Hoover Criminals Gang · Do Lows Down · Crystal Gardens, South Los Santos Background The Hoover Criminals are among the most notorious street gangs to have originated on the Westside of South Los Santos, tracing their roots back to a sprawling network of Hoover sets that once operated under the Crip banner. By the early 1990s, following growing resentment toward traditional gang alliances, Hoovers stepped away from the blue flag, dropped the Crip moniker, and replaced it with something altogether different, the Criminals moniker. As a result of the rising gang tensions across the Westside of South Los Santos, the Hoover Criminals adopted an EBK (Everybody Killer) attitude; proudly claiming the 'Most Hated' status in South LS. From here, the 716 movement grew, as did the Hoover sets that fell beneath this banner. They move independently, on their own terms, and have built a reputation across decades for putting in work on all sides of the gang divide. Among the Hoover Criminal subsets that took root in the Davis region, the 92 Hoover Criminals Gang known on the streets as the 9-Deuce Hoovers, the Du-Lows, or Figgwest stand as one of the oldest. Their foundational presence predates many of the later Hoover sets that would emerge across the decade, and it is that seniority that gave them a distinct weight in establishing the Hoover identity south of the freeway. Not far from the 9-Deuce came the 94 Hoover Criminals the Low-Downs, the Middwest, carving their own name whilst still carrying the Hoover Criminal moniker. Over time, proximity bred kinship. The two sets began moving in tandem, their shared geography and shared enemies drawing them closer until the alliance was formalized. That bond became known as the "Do Lows Down" more commonly shortened on the streets to Snideyz. The 924 combination, representing both sets together, became a unified identity that today supersedes the individual set claims for much of the younger generation. Crystal Gardens, Los Santos · Present Day __________________________________________________ Present Day "The older homies still claim their set. The young generation? They just claim Snideyz." Historically, both the 92 and 94 Hoover Criminals were predominantly African-American street-level gangs. That demographic reality has shifted considerably in recent years. The W/S Snideyz, as the alliance is known today, have grown substantially in both numbers and diversity, drawing in a younger generation composed predominantly of Hispanic members, many of whom came up around the Crystal Gardens projects and absorbed the Hoover Criminal identity organically through neighborhood ties rather than any formal recruitment. The older, more established members those who came up in the set during the height of the Hoover-vs-everyone era, still identify tightly with their individual set. For the new generation, the numerical affiliations carry less weight than the 924 and 716 alliance. They are Snideyz first. The gang's operations today center around the Crystal Gardens Housing Projects in South Los Santos. The Hoover Criminal movement remains intact. The Snideyz do not align with neighboring gang factions, and operate under the understanding that the only card worth holding is their own. Territory Crystal Gardens Housing Projects, situated in the Westside South LS area. The projects serve as both a base of operations and a social hub, the place where members were raised, where alliances were formed, and where the set's culture was passed down through generations. The surrounding blocks, corner stores, and alleyways all fall within the informal boundaries that the 924 have claimed and defended over the years. Westside South Los Santos · Crystal Gardens Projects __________________________________________________ Out of Character All portrayals are fictional and based on real-world research for authenticity purposes only.

Home » Press Release » Mexican Mafia Members Convicted In RICO Case ______________________________________________________________________________________________________ Mexican Mafia Members Convicted In RICO Case U.S. Attorney's Office July 8, 2015 LOS SANTOS — An estimate of forty members or associates of the Mexican Mafia prison gang were charged by the Los Santos District Attorney's Office for their major role in a long lasting drug trafficking conspiracy involving numerous members of Sureño gangs state-wide. The Los Santos County Sheriff's Department Major Crimes Bureau and the Safe Streets Task Force have been conducting a thorough investigation on the Mexican Mafia's hierarchy in an effort to link the prison gang's connection to other gangs in San Andreas. Members of the Mexican Mafia most of the time relies on a big network of Sureño gangs to move heavy amount of narcotics across the state. In return for protection and access to drugs, the organization demands street taxes on these gangs. It also uses smaller groups under its influence to intimidate and or remove other competitors from the local drug market. Prosecutors stated in the indictment that a primary objective of the Mexican Mafia was "to control and profit from drug trafficking." During these proceedings, U.S. District Judge Mark H. described a tense moment in the courtroom, recalling that one of the several co-defendants had to be removed due to a lot of tensions between him and one of the witnesses. He noted that the intimidation was clear. According to the indictment, the majority of the defendants who were already serving a substantial amount at the time of the new charges were filed. As a result of this, nineteen out of forty now lost their chance for parole. The case also involved coordinated support from the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the San Andreas Department of Corrections' Investigate Service Unit who have been actively investigating various inmates linked to the gang. Southern District of San Andreas (619) 557-5610

Street Villains 13 is a predominantly Hispanic street gang based in Los Santos. The group originally formed among local youth who grew up on the same few blocks and shared similar struggles tied to poverty, heavy law enforcement presence, and long-standing neighborhood rivalries. Over time, SV13 expanded to include members from nearby streets who identified with the group’s history and reputation. As the Street Villains’ influence spread throughout South Los Santos, conflicts with neighboring street groups intensified. These rivalries led to repeated cycles of violence, arrests, and incarceration, deeply affecting both the group and the surrounding community. Despite this instability, the Street Villains name continued to carry weight locally, particularly among older members and long-time residents familiar with the neighborhood’s past. The roots of SV13 trace back to the early 1970s, when the area functioned as a loose neighborhood collective often referred to by locals as Stone Haven Varrio, made up of families from multiple cultural backgrounds. By 1974, younger residents began organizing more formally, eventually solidifying what would become known as Street Villains 13. One of the earliest figures linked to the group was a neighborhood resident known as “Low Key,” frequently cited as an influential founding presence. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, growth led to internal separation. Members began identifying with smaller cliques based on age and specific blocks within the neighborhood. While older members continued to represent the original Street Villains identity, younger generations formed localized cliques tied to their immediate surroundings. Despite these divisions, the cliques remained connected through shared territory and history. By the late 1980s, Street Villains 13 had developed several recognized cliques. The most prominent was 43rd Street Locos (LCS), which became closely associated with the SV13 name. This clique should not be confused with 42nd Street Locos, a separate and independent Latino street group operating in a different part of South Los Santos. Other smaller cliques also existed, each maintaining its own identity while still falling under the broader Street Villains umbrella. SV13 shares territory with the Rollin’ 40s Neighborhood Crips, one of the larger and more established gangs in South Los Santos. This close proximity has historically contributed to tension, disputes, and periodic flare-ups between the groups. Members of Street Villains 13 are known to congregate in a narrow alley. Local Los Santos law enforcement has frequently associated this alley with graffiti activity and past gang-related incidents, making it a well-known location tied to the group. South Los Santos has long been marked by economic decline and social neglect. Once viewed as a quiet working-class area, the neighborhood was permanently altered following widespread unrest in 1968, triggered by a confrontation between residents and authorities. The protests and clashes that followed reshaped the community and played a major role in forming the identity and outlook of Street Villains 13 in the decades that followed. STVx3 is widely known for conflicting with nearly every surrounding neighborhood in South Los Santos. The gang has a long-standing reputation for clashing with any hood that refuses to acknowledge their presence or challenges their influence. Because of this mentality, tensions with nearby gangs are nearly constant, and long-term alliances are uncommon. Street Villains 13 is bordered by several rival gangs and has remained active despite decades of conflict. Their most documented rivalries include W/S South Los 13, Hoover-affiliated sets, S/S Playboys 13, W/S Davis 13, and Azteca's 13. These disputes have led to repeated cycles of retaliation, territorial challenges, and increased law enforcement attention throughout the area. One of the most active and volatile conflicts in recent years has centered around Vermont Avenue, where Street Villains 13 and W/S South Los 13 have aligned against the Hoovers. This ongoing war has resulted in frequent confrontations, heightened police patrols, and a steady pattern of violence affecting surrounding blocks. Social media has played a growing role in fueling these tensions. Younger members from different SV13 cliques have been observed moving through rival territory while recording videos, yelling derogatory remarks, and openly disrespecting enemies. Graffiti remains a major method of asserting presence, with Street Villains 13 marking walls throughout contested areas, often crossing out rival tags and placing their own name over them to signal dominance. While fistfights and melee assaults were once the most common form of confrontation, gun-related violence has increased in recent years, particularly among younger members attempting to build reputations within the gang. In 2022, the Los Santos Police Department’s Gang Task Force documented 16 gang-related homicides across sections of South and East Los Santos, many of which were linked to ongoing disputes involving Street Villains 13 and other local street gangs. Law enforcement has identified several known hangout locations for SV13 members, including freeway-adjacent areas, alleyways, and key intersections surrounding their claimed territory. Surveillance and patrol efforts have focused heavily on these locations, though the gang’s decentralized structure has made enforcement efforts difficult. Internally, Street Villains 13 operates through multiple smaller cliques tied to specific blocks or sections of the neighborhood. While younger members often identify primarily with their clique, older members continue to emphasize loyalty to the broader STVx3 name. This generational divide has created differences in how members operate, with older figures favoring structure and reputation, while younger members seek visibility and status through confrontations and online exposure. Despite arrests, injunctions, and sustained police pressure, Street Villains 13 has remained active for over six decades. Their continued presence is largely attributed to deep-rooted neighborhood ties, family connections, and the ability to adapt to changing conditions. As rivalries persist and new generations emerge, STVx3 continues to be regarded as one of the more aggressive and enduring gangs in South Los Santos, maintaining its name through ongoing conflict and territorial defense. Street Villains 13 has also been linked to a steady flow of arrests related to weapons possession, vandalism, and probation violations. Law enforcement reports indicate that many younger members are introduced to the gang through family ties or neighborhood proximity rather than formal recruitment, making enforcement efforts more complex. Officers note that arrests often remove individuals temporarily, but rarely disrupt the broader structure of the gang. The gang’s identity has remained consistent despite changes in leadership and generational turnover. Older members are known to emphasize respect for the STVx3 name and its history, while younger members tend to prioritize visibility and reputation-building through confrontations with rivals. This shift has contributed to an increase in reckless behavior, including public displays of disrespect and confrontations in highly visible areas. As South Los Santos continues to change, Street Villains 13 remains a defining presence within its claimed territory. Ongoing rivalries, territorial disputes, and cycles of retaliation continue to shape daily life in the surrounding neighborhoods. With no clear resolution to these conflicts, STVx3 is expected to remain active, maintaining its influence through a combination of neighborhood loyalty, intimidation, and long-standing street reputation. Inside STVx3, tattoos carry meaning far beyond appearance. They are commonly viewed as records of loyalty, involvement, and time spent within the gang. Unlike regular tattoos, these markings are often believed to be earned through participation and endurance rather than chosen freely. Within the culture, having visible gang tattoos is frequently tied to credibility, with the idea that respect must come from actions connected to the neighborhood and its history. Young members who are first associated with a gang are usually kept at the lowest level. At this stage, they are often expected to handle simple responsibilities that place them close to older members without giving them power. Running errands, carrying messages, or picking up food and drinks from nearby stores are common expectations. These tasks are not viewed as glamorous, but they are considered a test of reliability, patience, and willingness to follow orders without question. Trust is built slowly through consistency rather than sudden acts. As time passes and trust grows, expectations increase. Members who remain active and present begin to gain recognition within the group. In many neighborhoods, reputation becomes tied to how often someone is seen, who they associate with, and how they carry themselves in public. Tattoos representing the set, neighborhood, or number are often seen as proof that a person has contributed something meaningful. Within the gang, the belief exists that the more markings someone has, the more they have done for the hood, even though this perception is often exaggerated or assumed rather than verified. Rank within the gang is sometimes reflected through tattoos, though this is not an official system. Certain placements, sizes, or repetitions of symbols are believed to signal seniority or experience. Older members may carry faded or older tattoos that reflect long-term involvement, while younger members often seek new markings to show they are active and committed. This creates pressure, especially on younger individuals, to permanently mark themselves in order to be taken seriously. Some tattoos carry especially heavy rumors and symbolism. Teardrop tattoos are one of the most well known examples. Within street culture, filled teardrops are often said to represent a confirmed killing, while unfilled teardrops are rumored to represent an unconfirmed act or the loss of someone close. In reality, these meanings are inconsistent and frequently misunderstood, but the assumptions attached to them are powerful and can affect how others perceive and treat the individual. In neighborhoods with a strong gang presence, it is common to see many Hispanic individuals with visible gang tattoos. To those inside the lifestyle, these markings can signal how active someone is or which side of a conflict they belong to. To rivals, they can act as provocation. To law enforcement, they often become identifiers. What is meant to show pride or loyalty can quickly become a reason for targeting, whether by enemies or authorities. The permanence of tattoos is something older members often acknowledge but younger members tend to overlook. While alliances shift, neighborhoods change, and people age out of street life, tattoos remain. Many former members later find that these markings limit job opportunities, attract unwanted attention, and make it difficult to distance themselves from past involvement. What once symbolized respect can become a lasting reminder of decisions made at a young age. Overall, the system of rank and tattoos within Hispanic gangs reflects deeper issues tied to identity, belonging, and survival. For many, tattoos become a way to prove worth in environments where other forms of recognition feel unreachable. While they may bring short-term status within the streets, they often carry long-term consequences that follow individuals well beyond the neighborhood that once demanded them. The 43rd Street Locos are widely regarded as the oldest and most well-known clique tied to the Street Locos name. Within their circle, they are known for a reputation centered on retaliation and loyalty, earning them the nickname of a “get-back” clique. Older members are often described as highly reactive to losses, believing that unanswered violence signals weakness and invites further challenges from rivals. One of the most cited incidents associated with the clique involved a member known on the streets as Silent #4, who was killed outside a neighborhood liquor store during a late-night shooting. Word of the incident spread quickly through the area, and rumors circulated that members of 18th Street were responsible. The killing intensified an already tense rivalry and drew immediate attention from both the streets and law enforcement. Later that same night, several members of the 43rd Street Locos allegedly crossed into rival territory in what authorities would later describe as a retaliatory act. Multiple people were killed during the incident, sending shockwaves through both neighborhoods. Witness reports described a vehicle fleeing the scene at high speed, triggering a large police response across surrounding blocks. The incident ended with a pursuit that resulted in arrests, effectively dismantling much of the clique’s active leadership at the time. The case became a turning point, frequently referenced by law enforcement as an example of how fast retaliation escalates into wider violence. Within the streets, the event cemented the 43rd Street Locos’ reputation as one of the most feared and reckless cliques associated with the Street Locos name. (FTMA) (FaketeenMurdaGang) FTMA, short for FaketeenMurdaGang, formed as a direct result of long-standing hostilities with 18th Street. From its beginning, the clique positioned itself as aggressively anti-18th, adopting a confrontational identity shaped almost entirely by ongoing conflict. Members often describe the rivalry as generational, with no clear starting point and no clear end. Over the years, the feud between FTMA and 18th Street has resulted in repeated arrests, violent confrontations, and long prison sentences. Law enforcement records link the clique to numerous incidents involving assaults and weapons violations. Despite pressure from authorities, FTMA has continued to exist as a symbol of the broader, unresolved war between the two sides. Young Evil Paisa, commonly referred to as YEP, is considered the youngest and most volatile clique connected to the Street Locos. Many of its members grew up surrounded by predominantly Black neighborhoods, particularly areas influenced by Rollin’ 30s and Rollin’ 40s Neighborhood Crips. This proximity heavily shaped their style, behavior, and overall street identity. YEP members are often recognized by their fashion choices, which differ from older cliques. Designer clothing, slim-fit jeans, expensive sneakers, and hoodies are common, reflecting influence from surrounding hoods rather than traditional Hispanic gang aesthetics. Their presence has been frequently noted around 44th Street, where they are known to spend long hours outside and remain highly visible. The clique is especially known for aggressive tagging and wall work, often placing their name in highly contested areas. These markings are used not only to claim space but also to provoke rivals. Law enforcement considers their graffiti activity a key indicator of rising tension in the area, often preceding violent incidents. YEP’s notoriety grew significantly following a major law enforcement operation known as the “44th Street Murders Takedown.” The investigation targeted multiple young members tied to a series of violent crimes, leading to indictments that drew citywide attention. Despite the arrests, YEP continues to be viewed as a dangerous and unpredictable clique, driven by youth, peer pressure, and a desire for recognition. In the present day, Street Villains 13 (STVx3) remains an active and recognizable presence in South Los Santos, continuing to operate in a city that has changed around them but never fully left them behind. While many older gangs have fractured or faded, Street Villains 13 has adapted to modern pressures through generational turnover, social media visibility, and tight neighborhood ties that keep the name alive. Unlike earlier eras where structure was more centralized, today’s Street Villains operate through smaller cliques that move independently while still claiming the larger STVx3 identity. Younger members often prioritize visibility and reputation, while older figures remain more reserved, acting behind the scenes. This split has changed how the gang functions, making it less predictable but harder to dismantle. Social media plays a major role in the gang’s modern identity. Online platforms are frequently used to display presence, mock rivals, and amplify neighborhood disputes. What once stayed within a few blocks can now spread instantly across the city, escalating conflicts faster and drawing increased attention from both enemies and law enforcement. Rivalries continue to define Street Villains 13’s daily reality. Ongoing tensions with multiple Sureño gangs and Hoover-affiliated sets have kept the surrounding area unstable, with disputes often centered around contested streets and intersections. These conflicts rarely resolve and instead cycle through periods of escalation and brief calm before reigniting. Law enforcement pressure on Street Villains 13 has intensified in recent years. Surveillance, gang injunctions, and targeted arrests have disrupted some activity, but the gang’s decentralized nature allows it to recover quickly. Arrests often remove individuals rather than weakening the overall presence, contributing to a constant reshuffling of faces on the street. Economics and the environment continue to play a role in the gang’s persistence. Limited opportunities, overcrowded housing, and generational involvement make it difficult for many youths in the area to avoid exposure. For some, Street Villains 13 represents familiarity and protection in a neighborhood where trust is scarce and outside systems feel distant. At the same time, the consequences of involvement are more visible than ever. Members face increased monitoring, harsher sentencing, and fewer chances to separate themselves from their past. Tattoos, online activity, and known associations make it difficult for individuals to move unnoticed, even as they grow older or attempt to step away. Today, Street Villains 13 exists as both a street organization and a symbol of unresolved issues in South Los Santos. While the methods and faces have changed, the core struggles remain the same. As long as those conditions persist, STVx3 is likely to remain part of the city’s landscape, adapting to the present while carrying the weight of its past.

About time!

this fire

its a woods world!!

Oh this shit haaaard!

eyes on this

Interested in joining? https://discord.gg/EvraGt3u9J

rabbit gang

its a woods world, skins just live inside it!

Back in action 🔥

Yessir!

Excuse me on the tier! Monte! Street Sweeper!

Hard concept!

💯

Mashallah

🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥

mmmmm

grime.

cant wait to see what you do with this !

OUT OF CHARACTER INFORMATION HRMC is a faction established with the purpose of showcasing a modern day 1% MC within the fictional state of San Andreas. The goal here is to contribute meaningful depth to the server's biker scene by delivering character drive RP that reflects how contemporary outlaw MCs operate. We aim to create long term storylines which are predominantly built on internal club dynamics and consequence-driven actions. The portrayal focuses on authenticity and quality interactions over insta gratifications or shock value. All the players who are interested to join and RP as an outlaw biker are welcome to organically interact with us IC'ly. The most natural way to do so is by attending one of our public businesses openings or approaching members respectfully while they're present around their establishments. We highly encourage "slow-burn" integration rather than immediate expectations of being recruited. Please note that we reserve the right to CK, decline, or remove members based on overall RP quality, consistency, and attitude. The objective is to maintain a high standard within the faction. For any OOC questions, clarifications and/or concerns, you're more than welcome to join our Discord or contact @danut or @trickster directly. Discord Invite Link:

Congratulations to Steel, Prowler & Dreamer, it's insane how long you guys sticked around the faction. Well deserved. Congrats!

OOC NOTE Sureño gangs are not considered sub factions of the Mexican Mafia, we are not responsible for their actions or wrongdoings. We are in continuity with the previous Mexican Mafia factions, any carnal or Mexican Mafia member from any of the previous ones are welcome to participate.

BLACK HAND The Mexican Mafia (also known as La Eme) is an egalitarian-structured organization, formed in the late 1950’s by Chicano street gang members incarcerated at the Deuel Vocational institution, a state prison located in Tracy, CA. La Eme was initially formed for protection against other inmates. With a set of rules governing its members, La Eme evolved into criminal activities. Most of their criminal activities initially focused on victimizing Black and Caucasian inmates. By the late 1960’s, the California Prison system became aware of La Eme’s criminal activity and broke up the group. Prison officials relocated the members to different prisons, which only helped the group to continue active recruitment of new members. This allowed the gang to take control of the California Prisons. Symbols include a black hand, La Eme (meaning 'the M' in Spanish) and MM (Mexican Mafia). As Eme members paroled to the streets, they were tasked with creating new cells to help facilitate more crime. In addition, paroled members explained the North versus South war occurring in prison to the young street gang members. The youngsters were told that when they did enter the prison system that they should align themselves with the other Sureños. The term Sureño was soon adopted by Hispanic street gang members throughout Southern California. Although some might identify themselves as being a Sureño gang member, the original meaning of the term denotes an umbrella of gangs who fall under the control of the Mexican Mafia. Sureño sets may have conflict with other Sureño gangs on the streets, yet in prison they will bond together for protection under the leadership of the Mexican Mafia. Sureño street gang members often identify with the symbols XIII, X3, 13, and 3-dots (hand to the left). This refers to the 13th letter of the alphabet "M" which stands for Mexican Mafia. The gang identifies with the color blue and the words Sureño, Sur and Southerner. The Mexican Mafia does not have a traditional military style “chain-of-command, instead it has “influential” members. All members vote on decisions affecting the entire gang. If the decision is limited to a particular institution, only those members vote. Each gang member, known as a carnal, has an equal vote. Each Mexican Mafia member has a great deal of autonomy in conducting business. As long as there is no conflict, a carnal is his own boss. He is expected to pay 1/3 of his illicit proceeds to the Mexican Mafia. If a Mexican Mafia member is in a prison or jail facility, he is required to assume control of all Sureños inmates. Sureños are expected to carry out Mexican Mafia orders without question. The Mexican Mafia also maintains working relationships with various other prison gangs and "disruptive groups" such as Aryan Brotherhood, Nazi Low Riders, Peckerwoods, Border Brothers, and Sinaloan Cowboys. For example, Mexican Mafia and Aryan Brotherhood members cooperate in smuggling drugs into Custody facilities and have assisted each other in armed robberies and drug trafficking outside custody facilities. In the 1990’s, the EME expanded its drug distribution operations by ordering an end to drive-by shootings involving Hispanic street gang members and eventually ordering an end to rivalries among Hispanic gangs as well. This allowed the gangs to focus on drug distribution. Subsequently, the Mexican Mafia demanded that all Sureño affiliated gang members pay a tribute of as much as 33 percent of drug distribution profits. Sureño gangs either complied with the order, or they were targeted for killing (given a green light) by the Mexican Mafia. Traditionally, membership is limited to Mexican American males. There is no minimum age. A prospective Eme member must be sponsored by at least three current gang members. Membership usually requires a unanimous vote by gang members throughout the California and federal prison systems. However, because communication among EME members is difficult, the Mexican Mafia in some facilities requires only a unanimous vote among those gang members at the facility. Recruits are selected carefully, as the sponsors are held liable for their prospect's actions. Sometimes, to prove himself worthy of membership, a prospect may be required to commit an act of violence for Mexican Mafia. While it is not a requirement for induction, all Eme members are expected to eventually kill for the clicka. Women are not permitted to join Mexican Mafia. Wives, girlfriends, and other female family members, however, play important roles within the organization because they smuggle contraband, including drugs and weapons, into the prison and provide a means of communication between incarcerated members and members on the street. La Mesa La Mesa is an ad-hoc commission on a general population prison yard made up of Mexican Mafia associates. The table or "La Mesa" has a structure resembling the Mexican Mafia's. It's governed by a panel of Meseros that deliberate and carry out orders for the Mexican Mafia. Meseros do not answer to each other, they only answer to an Emero or carnal (a made member of the Mexican Mafia). They are involved in illegal activities ranging from extortion, murder, prostitution and narcotic distribution. A Mesero is somebody that is on his way to becoming a member of the Mexican Mafia.