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Street Villains 13 is a predominantly Hispanic street gang based in Los Santos. The group originally formed among local youth who grew up on the same few blocks and shared similar struggles tied to poverty, heavy law enforcement presence, and long-standing neighborhood rivalries. Over time, SV13 expanded to include members from nearby streets who identified with the group’s history and reputation. As the Street Villains’ influence spread throughout South Los Santos, conflicts with neighboring street groups intensified. These rivalries led to repeated cycles of violence, arrests, and incarceration, deeply affecting both the group and the surrounding community. Despite this instability, the Street Villains name continued to carry weight locally, particularly among older members and long-time residents familiar with the neighborhood’s past. The roots of SV13 trace back to the early 1970s, when the area functioned as a loose neighborhood collective often referred to by locals as Stone Haven Varrio, made up of families from multiple cultural backgrounds. By 1974, younger residents began organizing more formally, eventually solidifying what would become known as Street Villains 13. One of the earliest figures linked to the group was a neighborhood resident known as “Low Key,” frequently cited as an influential founding presence. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, growth led to internal separation. Members began identifying with smaller cliques based on age and specific blocks within the neighborhood. While older members continued to represent the original Street Villains identity, younger generations formed localized cliques tied to their immediate surroundings. Despite these divisions, the cliques remained connected through shared territory and history. By the late 1980s, Street Villains 13 had developed several recognized cliques. The most prominent was 43rd Street Locos (LCS), which became closely associated with the SV13 name. This clique should not be confused with 42nd Street Locos, a separate and independent Latino street group operating in a different part of South Los Santos. Other smaller cliques also existed, each maintaining its own identity while still falling under the broader Street Villains umbrella. SV13 shares territory with the Rollin’ 40s Neighborhood Crips, one of the larger and more established gangs in South Los Santos. This close proximity has historically contributed to tension, disputes, and periodic flare-ups between the groups. Members of Street Villains 13 are known to congregate in a narrow alley. Local Los Santos law enforcement has frequently associated this alley with graffiti activity and past gang-related incidents, making it a well-known location tied to the group. South Los Santos has long been marked by economic decline and social neglect. Once viewed as a quiet working-class area, the neighborhood was permanently altered following widespread unrest in 1968, triggered by a confrontation between residents and authorities. The protests and clashes that followed reshaped the community and played a major role in forming the identity and outlook of Street Villains 13 in the decades that followed. STVx3 is widely known for conflicting with nearly every surrounding neighborhood in South Los Santos. The gang has a long-standing reputation for clashing with any hood that refuses to acknowledge their presence or challenges their influence. Because of this mentality, tensions with nearby gangs are nearly constant, and long-term alliances are uncommon. Street Villains 13 is bordered by several rival gangs and has remained active despite decades of conflict. Their most documented rivalries include W/S South Los 13, Hoover-affiliated sets, S/S Playboys 13, W/S Davis 13, and Azteca's 13. These disputes have led to repeated cycles of retaliation, territorial challenges, and increased law enforcement attention throughout the area. One of the most active and volatile conflicts in recent years has centered around Vermont Avenue, where Street Villains 13 and W/S South Los 13 have aligned against the Hoovers. This ongoing war has resulted in frequent confrontations, heightened police patrols, and a steady pattern of violence affecting surrounding blocks. Social media has played a growing role in fueling these tensions. Younger members from different SV13 cliques have been observed moving through rival territory while recording videos, yelling derogatory remarks, and openly disrespecting enemies. Graffiti remains a major method of asserting presence, with Street Villains 13 marking walls throughout contested areas, often crossing out rival tags and placing their own name over them to signal dominance. While fistfights and melee assaults were once the most common form of confrontation, gun-related violence has increased in recent years, particularly among younger members attempting to build reputations within the gang. In 2022, the Los Santos Police Department’s Gang Task Force documented 16 gang-related homicides across sections of South and East Los Santos, many of which were linked to ongoing disputes involving Street Villains 13 and other local street gangs. Law enforcement has identified several known hangout locations for SV13 members, including freeway-adjacent areas, alleyways, and key intersections surrounding their claimed territory. Surveillance and patrol efforts have focused heavily on these locations, though the gang’s decentralized structure has made enforcement efforts difficult. Internally, Street Villains 13 operates through multiple smaller cliques tied to specific blocks or sections of the neighborhood. While younger members often identify primarily with their clique, older members continue to emphasize loyalty to the broader STVx3 name. This generational divide has created differences in how members operate, with older figures favoring structure and reputation, while younger members seek visibility and status through confrontations and online exposure. Despite arrests, injunctions, and sustained police pressure, Street Villains 13 has remained active for over six decades. Their continued presence is largely attributed to deep-rooted neighborhood ties, family connections, and the ability to adapt to changing conditions. As rivalries persist and new generations emerge, STVx3 continues to be regarded as one of the more aggressive and enduring gangs in South Los Santos, maintaining its name through ongoing conflict and territorial defense. Street Villains 13 has also been linked to a steady flow of arrests related to weapons possession, vandalism, and probation violations. Law enforcement reports indicate that many younger members are introduced to the gang through family ties or neighborhood proximity rather than formal recruitment, making enforcement efforts more complex. Officers note that arrests often remove individuals temporarily, but rarely disrupt the broader structure of the gang. The gang’s identity has remained consistent despite changes in leadership and generational turnover. Older members are known to emphasize respect for the STVx3 name and its history, while younger members tend to prioritize visibility and reputation-building through confrontations with rivals. This shift has contributed to an increase in reckless behavior, including public displays of disrespect and confrontations in highly visible areas. As South Los Santos continues to change, Street Villains 13 remains a defining presence within its claimed territory. Ongoing rivalries, territorial disputes, and cycles of retaliation continue to shape daily life in the surrounding neighborhoods. With no clear resolution to these conflicts, STVx3 is expected to remain active, maintaining its influence through a combination of neighborhood loyalty, intimidation, and long-standing street reputation. Inside STVx3, tattoos carry meaning far beyond appearance. They are commonly viewed as records of loyalty, involvement, and time spent within the gang. Unlike regular tattoos, these markings are often believed to be earned through participation and endurance rather than chosen freely. Within the culture, having visible gang tattoos is frequently tied to credibility, with the idea that respect must come from actions connected to the neighborhood and its history. Young members who are first associated with a gang are usually kept at the lowest level. At this stage, they are often expected to handle simple responsibilities that place them close to older members without giving them power. Running errands, carrying messages, or picking up food and drinks from nearby stores are common expectations. These tasks are not viewed as glamorous, but they are considered a test of reliability, patience, and willingness to follow orders without question. Trust is built slowly through consistency rather than sudden acts. As time passes and trust grows, expectations increase. Members who remain active and present begin to gain recognition within the group. In many neighborhoods, reputation becomes tied to how often someone is seen, who they associate with, and how they carry themselves in public. Tattoos representing the set, neighborhood, or number are often seen as proof that a person has contributed something meaningful. Within the gang, the belief exists that the more markings someone has, the more they have done for the hood, even though this perception is often exaggerated or assumed rather than verified. Rank within the gang is sometimes reflected through tattoos, though this is not an official system. Certain placements, sizes, or repetitions of symbols are believed to signal seniority or experience. Older members may carry faded or older tattoos that reflect long-term involvement, while younger members often seek new markings to show they are active and committed. This creates pressure, especially on younger individuals, to permanently mark themselves in order to be taken seriously. Some tattoos carry especially heavy rumors and symbolism. Teardrop tattoos are one of the most well known examples. Within street culture, filled teardrops are often said to represent a confirmed killing, while unfilled teardrops are rumored to represent an unconfirmed act or the loss of someone close. In reality, these meanings are inconsistent and frequently misunderstood, but the assumptions attached to them are powerful and can affect how others perceive and treat the individual. In neighborhoods with a strong gang presence, it is common to see many Hispanic individuals with visible gang tattoos. To those inside the lifestyle, these markings can signal how active someone is or which side of a conflict they belong to. To rivals, they can act as provocation. To law enforcement, they often become identifiers. What is meant to show pride or loyalty can quickly become a reason for targeting, whether by enemies or authorities. The permanence of tattoos is something older members often acknowledge but younger members tend to overlook. While alliances shift, neighborhoods change, and people age out of street life, tattoos remain. Many former members later find that these markings limit job opportunities, attract unwanted attention, and make it difficult to distance themselves from past involvement. What once symbolized respect can become a lasting reminder of decisions made at a young age. Overall, the system of rank and tattoos within Hispanic gangs reflects deeper issues tied to identity, belonging, and survival. For many, tattoos become a way to prove worth in environments where other forms of recognition feel unreachable. While they may bring short-term status within the streets, they often carry long-term consequences that follow individuals well beyond the neighborhood that once demanded them. The 43rd Street Locos are widely regarded as the oldest and most well-known clique tied to the Street Locos name. Within their circle, they are known for a reputation centered on retaliation and loyalty, earning them the nickname of a “get-back” clique. Older members are often described as highly reactive to losses, believing that unanswered violence signals weakness and invites further challenges from rivals. One of the most cited incidents associated with the clique involved a member known on the streets as Silent #4, who was killed outside a neighborhood liquor store during a late-night shooting. Word of the incident spread quickly through the area, and rumors circulated that members of 18th Street were responsible. The killing intensified an already tense rivalry and drew immediate attention from both the streets and law enforcement. Later that same night, several members of the 43rd Street Locos allegedly crossed into rival territory in what authorities would later describe as a retaliatory act. Multiple people were killed during the incident, sending shockwaves through both neighborhoods. Witness reports described a vehicle fleeing the scene at high speed, triggering a large police response across surrounding blocks. The incident ended with a pursuit that resulted in arrests, effectively dismantling much of the clique’s active leadership at the time. The case became a turning point, frequently referenced by law enforcement as an example of how fast retaliation escalates into wider violence. Within the streets, the event cemented the 43rd Street Locos’ reputation as one of the most feared and reckless cliques associated with the Street Locos name. (FTMA) (FaketeenMurdaGang) FTMA, short for FaketeenMurdaGang, formed as a direct result of long-standing hostilities with 18th Street. From its beginning, the clique positioned itself as aggressively anti-18th, adopting a confrontational identity shaped almost entirely by ongoing conflict. Members often describe the rivalry as generational, with no clear starting point and no clear end. Over the years, the feud between FTMA and 18th Street has resulted in repeated arrests, violent confrontations, and long prison sentences. Law enforcement records link the clique to numerous incidents involving assaults and weapons violations. Despite pressure from authorities, FTMA has continued to exist as a symbol of the broader, unresolved war between the two sides. Young Evil Paisa, commonly referred to as YEP, is considered the youngest and most volatile clique connected to the Street Locos. Many of its members grew up surrounded by predominantly Black neighborhoods, particularly areas influenced by Rollin’ 30s and Rollin’ 40s Neighborhood Crips. This proximity heavily shaped their style, behavior, and overall street identity. YEP members are often recognized by their fashion choices, which differ from older cliques. Designer clothing, slim-fit jeans, expensive sneakers, and hoodies are common, reflecting influence from surrounding hoods rather than traditional Hispanic gang aesthetics. Their presence has been frequently noted around 44th Street, where they are known to spend long hours outside and remain highly visible. The clique is especially known for aggressive tagging and wall work, often placing their name in highly contested areas. These markings are used not only to claim space but also to provoke rivals. Law enforcement considers their graffiti activity a key indicator of rising tension in the area, often preceding violent incidents. YEP’s notoriety grew significantly following a major law enforcement operation known as the “44th Street Murders Takedown.” The investigation targeted multiple young members tied to a series of violent crimes, leading to indictments that drew citywide attention. Despite the arrests, YEP continues to be viewed as a dangerous and unpredictable clique, driven by youth, peer pressure, and a desire for recognition. In the present day, Street Villains 13 (STVx3) remains an active and recognizable presence in South Los Santos, continuing to operate in a city that has changed around them but never fully left them behind. While many older gangs have fractured or faded, Street Villains 13 has adapted to modern pressures through generational turnover, social media visibility, and tight neighborhood ties that keep the name alive. Unlike earlier eras where structure was more centralized, today’s Street Villains operate through smaller cliques that move independently while still claiming the larger STVx3 identity. Younger members often prioritize visibility and reputation, while older figures remain more reserved, acting behind the scenes. This split has changed how the gang functions, making it less predictable but harder to dismantle. Social media plays a major role in the gang’s modern identity. Online platforms are frequently used to display presence, mock rivals, and amplify neighborhood disputes. What once stayed within a few blocks can now spread instantly across the city, escalating conflicts faster and drawing increased attention from both enemies and law enforcement. Rivalries continue to define Street Villains 13’s daily reality. Ongoing tensions with multiple Sureño gangs and Hoover-affiliated sets have kept the surrounding area unstable, with disputes often centered around contested streets and intersections. These conflicts rarely resolve and instead cycle through periods of escalation and brief calm before reigniting. Law enforcement pressure on Street Villains 13 has intensified in recent years. Surveillance, gang injunctions, and targeted arrests have disrupted some activity, but the gang’s decentralized nature allows it to recover quickly. Arrests often remove individuals rather than weakening the overall presence, contributing to a constant reshuffling of faces on the street. Economics and the environment continue to play a role in the gang’s persistence. Limited opportunities, overcrowded housing, and generational involvement make it difficult for many youths in the area to avoid exposure. For some, Street Villains 13 represents familiarity and protection in a neighborhood where trust is scarce and outside systems feel distant. At the same time, the consequences of involvement are more visible than ever. Members face increased monitoring, harsher sentencing, and fewer chances to separate themselves from their past. Tattoos, online activity, and known associations make it difficult for individuals to move unnoticed, even as they grow older or attempt to step away. Today, Street Villains 13 exists as both a street organization and a symbol of unresolved issues in South Los Santos. While the methods and faces have changed, the core struggles remain the same. As long as those conditions persist, STVx3 is likely to remain part of the city’s landscape, adapting to the present while carrying the weight of its past.

The Los Renegados Motorcycle Club, also commonly known as LRMC, FRRF and The Renegados, is a third-generation motorcycle club that was originally established during the late 1970s [unknown specific year] in Los Santos County, San Andreas. Estimated during the years of 1978 and 1992, Samuel Montoya - alias assumed to be Primero - was the first President of the club and all affiliated businesses, alongside his brother-in-law and established business partner David Ibarra who is assumed Vice President. Despite the unknown time frame, the club is assumed to have migrated north into the state of San Andreas; it is known, however, that the club currently has a large presence in the Davis area in the eastern area of Los Santos, SA. Law enforcement officials for the city estimate and approximately 54 “full-patched” members are currently actively present within the club. Currently, LRMC is the eighth largest motorcycle club in the western states of America with predictions of significant growth. It is confirmed that the motorcycle club is currently commanded by their confirmed President Andres Garcia , alias unknown, and confirmed Vice President James McGraw , alias assumed to be ‘Mac’. Known established business include the (unknown-name) Bar - all actively in operation in the South Side area of Los Santos, off Innocence and Carson. The Los Renegados Motorcycle Club is designated an organized crime group by the United States Department of Justice and is currently an amber priority for the Los Santos Police Department’s narcotics division. OOC: Alittle about us shall we? The Los Renegados are a faction that does not want internal drama, or fighting within the faction. We are all veterans of LS-RP whether from the far distant past, or from the SAMP shut down. We offer each member that roleplays with our faction the ability to open a business or try new things with their character for their own development. We strive not to be a copy/paste version of other motorcycle clubs, but to make ourselves stand out from the rest. Feel free to join our discord (https://discord.gg/frc8txFAZy) if you are interested in joining the Los Renegados MC. We strive for this faction to be a staple of LS-RP, that's why OOC rules were created with the faction's reputation in mind. These rules are not here to influence any RP, nor are they here to stop people from having fun. The following OOC rules are simply put in place to ensure the quality of the faction remains as high as possible. • The only way to join the faction is via IC methods. Attempting to join OOC or asking friends for an OOC introduction to the faction is strictly forbidden. • All LS-RP server rules must be followed at all times. Any and all OOC questions can be forwarded to @Ormond31 & @Hellishape21

W/S Acacia Blocc Carson Crips The Acacia Blocc Crip Gang (ABCC) also known as Acacia Blocc Crip, are the second largest African-American street gang located on the Eastside of Vespucci Beach, San Andreas. Their neighborhood is primarily south of Imagination Court, east of Invention Court and west of Vespucci Boulevard. Acacia Blocc Carson Crips are well known to sport the primary colors of the Oakland Raiders and the Cleveland Indians. (Black, Grey and Red) Members of the Acacia Blocc Carson Crips, are known to brand their bodies with tattoos of the Indians emblem, which is a dead give-away to rival gangs. Apart from that Acacia Blocc Crip does have a few cliques which consist of 700 Block, 1200 Block and 1300 Block. The 500 Block later emerged as a subset of the Acacia Blocc Carson Crips, mainly consisting of the younger generations of Acacia Blocc Crip. The Acacia Blocc Crip Gang (ABCC) also known as Acacia Blocc Crip, are the second largest African-American street gang located on the Eastside of Vespucci Beach, San Andreas. Their neighborhood is primarily south of Imagination Court, east of Invention Court and west of Vespucci Boulevard. Acacia Blocc Carson Crips are well known to sport the primary colors of the Oakland Raiders and the Cleveland Indians. (Black, Grey and Red) Members of the Acacia Blocc Carson Crips, are known to brand their bodies with tattoos of the Indians emblem, which is a dead give-away to rival gangs. Apart from that Acacia Blocc Crip does have a few cliques which consist of 700 Block, 1200 Block and 1300 Block. The 500 Block later emerged as a subset of the Acacia Blocc Carson Crips, mainly consisting of the younger generations of Acacia Blocc Crip. West Side of Carson 2020 Gangbanging on the border was very much alive in the year 2020. The area was packed full of rival sets: the Nutty Bloccs, Palmer Bloccs, DV70’s, DV T.Flat’s, NHP’s, and the Poccet Hoods. These street gangs have intricate alliances and feuds which have lasted from their initial emergence. The area is a catalyst for the illegal operations of a street gang; its low income housing, underfunded police force and looming threat of gentrification has resulted in continuation of the gang activity that peaked in the 1990s. From 2003 to 2007. West Carson saw a decrease in the number of gang killings per annum, but that began to rise again by 2020. In efforts to try and control gang activity in the area, the LSPD have placed several injunctions on gang members as well as employed additional recruits into their gangs and violent crimes division. Despite their efforts however, cuts in police funding have made such operations unsustainable and with West Carson's rising commercial sector, increased land value has resulted in low income households being driven into poverty. Street gangs stand against the modern-day struggles of low income households in such areas, they create a sense of community and companionship. Of course however, the anger within these impoverished communities and the hatred for their rivals is often deep seated, self-fulfilling and inevitably impairs the community Acacia Blocc Carson Crips (ABCC) V. Carson Varrio Tortilla Flats (CVTF) As the story goes, the Acacia Bloccs robbed a Tortilla Flats drug connection of a large quantity of dope nearly a decade ago. Since then, the tale of how a black street gang ripped off a Latino rival has taken on mythic proportions, but to this day police are uncertain if the fabled heist ever occurred. “You hear so many different variations of this crime,” said Terry Burgin, a Los Santos County Sheriff’s Department gang detective. “Who knows what really happened? [But] the effects are tremendous.” Over the years, the two rival gangs have battled over control of the drug trade in the Vespucci Beach area. The feud has escalated into what many residents call a race war. It used to be that innocent bystanders were not targeted, said Chris Le Grande, pastor of Great Hope Fellowship in Faith, one of Vespucci’s largest black churches. “Now it’s deliberate. ‘I’m deliberately shooting you because of your color.’ ” On Tuesday, the San Andreas attorney’s office announced a sweeping indictment against more than 60 members of Tortilla Flats, accusing the Latino gang of waging a violent campaign to drive out African American rivals. Once primarily black, the working class community of 60,000 today is mostly Latino. But some say that’s only part of the truth. The war has two sides, said Robert Ramirez, a Tortilla Flats gang member. “I’m not going to say we’re angels, but it’s fifty-fifty,” he said, as fellow gang members sprayed walls with Tortilla Flats graffiti. “ ‘Any black, shoot on sight?’ -- it’s not true. Nobody likes a racist person.” The neighborhood saw 41 homicides in 2005, surpassing the homicide rate in some of the nation’s most dangerous big cities, authorities said. About half of those killed had no gang affiliation. Homicides dropped to 19 last year after a major law enforcement crackdown that led to 230 felony arrests and the seizure of 130 weapons. But the level of violence remains high. Authorities attribute the neighborhood’s gang troubles in large part to the huge demographic shift that occurred in this economically depressed community over the last 20 years, tipping the balance of power from black to Latino and turning it into a tinderbox of racial tensions. That kind of demographic shift has occurred in many parts of Southern San Andreas, but Vespucci is one of the places where it has turned violent. The violence threatens an economic revival that has begun to revitalize the neighborhood. For years, the two rival gangs resisted outside pressures to go to war, according to those active in Tortilla Flats in the 1990s. Like many black and Latino gangs, they ignored each other during the worst gang years of the late ‘80s and early ‘90s. Instead, they focused on attacking rivals of their own race. But during the mid-'90s, the Mexican Mafia prison gang began directing Latino gangs to stop fighting each other, to “tax” drug dealers and to push blacks from their neighborhoods, according to numerous gang members and law enforcement officers. Tortilla Flats, in particular, had warred for years with CV70's, a Latino gang to the East. But under the new rules, Tortilla Flats was forced to get along with rival Latino gangs and once even played a pickup football game with CV70's, said one Tortilla Flats gang member who requested anonymity out of fear for his safety. The Mexican Mafia “didn’t understand how it worked,” he said. “I hate CV70's. I didn’t have any problem with the guys from Rollin 20's because I grew up with them. It’s kind of hard to say, ‘Now I’m going to. . . kill this black guy just because he’s black.’ But that’s how they wanted to do it.” In 1996 tensions erupted when members of a gang associated with Acacia Bloccs, known as the 6-5 Hustlers, killed a Tortilla Flats member. After some retaliation, the gangs held a peace summit at a Vespucci elementary school one night, and that “kind of squashed everything,” the gang member said. But the fighting resumed when word, perhaps mythical, spread about the Acacia Bloccs’ drug rip-off of Tortilla Flats. Race, gang rivalry and drugs have become impossibly tangled as motives in killings and assaults in the neighborhood, authorities and residents say. The result: a gangland version of racial profiling. “They just see a young man of the opposite race and they shoot,” said Olivia Rosales, a former hate-crime prosecutor, who prosecuted all the Rollin 20's-Tortilla Flats murder cases for the last two years. “They don’t stop to question whether or not they are a member of the gang.” Of the 20 cases she prosecuted, said Rosales, who now runs the district attorney’s Whittier office, “most of the victims have not been members of the rival gang.” Demetrius Perry, 22, was shot to death by Latinos yelling a gang epithet as he played basketball in January at a Vespucci middle school, witnesses said. “We used to kick it with Latinos“, said Perry’s father, Benny, who is black and grew up in the area. “Now you constantly hear about it: This is their land first and they’ve come to take it back.” Timothy Slack, who lives a few blocks from Great Hope Fellowship church, said Latino gang members often drive by shooting at blacks. He doesn’t allow his kids to go to the store and he never uses alleys anymore. Slack grew up in Vespucci when it was mostly black and had few Latinos. Back then, “they were timid,” he said. “But as their numbers started getting bigger, then they started trying to be tougher. They started thinking they could demand stuff.” But non-gang-affiliated Latinos have also been killed. In 2005, Alejandro Barrales was on his way to work at his family’s restaurant when he was shot to death allegedly by Crips while in his car at a stop sign. Gabino Lopez, 52, was killed that year while walking to a mini-market for a beer after work. A youth who reportedly wanted to join the Crips is charged with his killing. In the neighborhood where Lopez was killed, people no longer sit outside in the evening, said his daughter, Mayra Lopez. “You never know when you’re going to be the next target,” she said. But “The gang war puts a damper on everything that you do here,” said Joe Titus, 79, who was born in Vespucci and volunteers with several community organizations. “You don’t want to go out at night.” Fewer people ride bikes; fewer children play outside after school. Movable basketball stanchions, once ubiquitous in driveways, are gone. Irv Sitkoff, a local pharmacist, said people of one race complain if his employees attend faster to people of the other race. “You’ve got to be very careful,” he said. “Before, we didn’t think about it.” Sitkoff said his pharmacy has sold grim supplies to customers because of neighborhood violence: more colostomy bags, for example. One Latino mother bought antidepressant medication from him for many months after her son, an innocent bystander, was killed by a black gang, Sitkoff said. “She didn’t talk directly about it, but there’s fear,” he said. “How could there not be? I have black families who are the same way.” Meanwhile, the exodus continues. Some cliques of the Acacia Bloccs in the neighborhood don’t exist anymore. One former black gang member said he hasn’t left Vespucci because he still has family and property there. But “it’s going to come a time when everybody’s going to have to leave,” he said. “Everybody’s going to have to go.”

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